The case for a third runway at Heathrow remains as shaky as ever
Nothing appears to have happened to change the analysis produced by the Department for Transport in 2017. This suggested that, if more airport capacity is really needed, it should be at Gatwick, on economic as well as environmental grounds.
Andrew McLuskey
Ashford, Middlesex
SIR – The proposal for a third runway at Heathrow is misguided.
With the additional possibility of a second runway at Gatwick, the skies over London and the south-east of England risk becoming even more crowded, increasing the likelihood of a catastrophic crash.
The answer is to build a new four-runway, state-of-the-art airport in the Thames Estuary, with fast rail links to London and nationwide. This could serve Britain for at least the next century. Heathrow and Gatwick would gradually be closed down, freeing up valuable land for much-needed housing. The claimed disruption to bird life is overstated: they will simply move north to the wetlands of Suffolk and Norfolk.
We need politicians with the vision to implement such a scheme, rather than the short-sighted ones we currently have.
Sandy Pratt
Storrington, West Sussex
SIR – As a Tory, I am not particularly enamoured with Sir Sadiq Khan or Sir Keir Starmer.
However, on the question of Heathrow, I side with Sir Keir. Sir Sadiq should be reminded that he is merely a mayor, while Sir Keir is the Prime Minister.
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The Independent
36 minutes ago
- The Independent
Charity watchdog's five-year fight for the truth about Aspinall Foundation
Leaving Number 10 in disgrace after the Partygate scandal three years ago has not stopped Boris Johnson getting rich ever since. He has earned millions from books and lecture tours, enough to buy a £4m Oxfordshire manor house for him, wife Carrie and their children. It was a different story when the couple were in Downing Street in January 2021 before the Partygate antics surfaced. They were in desperate need of money after Mr Johnson's expensive divorce – and what became known as the 'wallpapergate' affair – left their finances in tatters. He was criticised after failing to disclose secret Tory funding for a lavish refurbishment of their Downing Street flat by interior designer Lulu Lytle. It was at this moment that the couple received a much-needed – and timely – cash injection. Carrie Johnson, or Carrie Symonds, Mr Johnson's fiancee as she then was, was hired by the Aspinall Foundation wildlife conservation charity as director of communications on an estimated 'high five-figure salary'. Just two months after Mr Aspinall signed Ms Johnson, hailing her as a 'huge asset', she had to defend it when it was hit by a potential scandal. It emerged that the Charity Commission had opened a 'regulatory compliance case' investigation into the Aspinall Foundation in 2020. The matters being investigated by the watchdog pre-dated Ms Johnson's arrival at the charity and there is no suggestion she was the subject of investigation. She played down the gravity of the situation, saying such action was 'commonplace during routine regulatory checks'. However, any notion that it was commonplace was blown out of the water weeks later. Then, in March 2022, the commission announced a statutory inquiry – its most serious form of investigation – into the Aspinall Foundation and its sister charity Howletts Wild Animal Trust. It was looking into 'serious concerns about the governance and financial management after reports of possible conflicts of interest and related-party transactions' of both – while adding that the announcement was not in itself a finding of wrongdoing. Extraordinarily, five years after first sounding the alarm bell, the commission still has the Aspinall Foundation in its crosshairs. Two months ago it took its most drastic action yet, sending in troubleshooters – interim managers – to the foundation after 'fresh issues of concern were identified requiring us to embark on a further phase of investigation'. The Charity Commission's code of practice spells out the seriousness of this step. It states that it can appoint interim managers to act as 'receivers and managers' after a statutory inquiry – and 'if it is satisfied there has been misconduct and/or mismanagement in the charity's administration or it is necessary to protect the charity's property'. Using language akin to policing, it explains the aim is to 'detect, prevent or disrupt misconduct or mismanagement.' Misconduct is defined as 'any act that the person committing it knew – or ought to have known – was criminal, unlawful or improper'. Moreover the interim managers can take over the charity completely, excluding trustees from decision making. One of the most striking aspects of the commission's five year investigation into the Aspinall Foundation is its relentlessness. It began informal enquiries in July 2020; in November 2020 it was sufficiently concerned to open a 'regulatory compliance case'; in March 2021 that became a 'statutory inquiry' – its most serious type of investigation – and now it has gone even further, sending in interim managers. The focus of the investigation has been the same throughout, flagging up concerns about 'governance; financial management; conflicts of interest; unauthorised trustee benefit; whether trustees have complied with their duties under the law.' Allegations against the Aspinall Foundation, mainly based on its accounts, include allowing trustees' chairman Mr Aspinall, 65, to rent its palatial HQ, Howletts House, for £2,500 a month; paying £150,000 to his wife, Victoria, for 'interior design'; making loans to Mr Aspinall - in 2019 he reportedly owed it £113,000, and paying £124,000 for accountancy to Alvarium, a company of which Charles Filmer, a former Aspinalls trustee was a director. Allegations against the Howletts Wild Animal Trust include paying a £30,000 a year pension to Mr Aspinall's step mother Lady Sarah Aspinall for 'gardening services'. The charity has defended itself in the past saying the payments to Victoria Aspinall were conducted 'at arms length', adding that the fees were 'subject to a rigorous benchmarking exercise to ensure the foundation received value for money'. It has said Mr Aspinall repaid all debts to the charity. The Howletts Wild Animal Trust has reportedly said previously that Lady Sarah was entitled to her £30,000 a year for 'prior service as head gardener for many years'. The Charity Commission has wide ranging powers to act against charities where wrongdoing is found. They range from removing trustees to taking over the running of the charity and winding it up completely. The leadership of the non profit-making and unconventional Aspinall Foundation has always resembled a high society charitable affair involving three generations of the casino owning Aspinalls, Brexit supporting tycoons, eccentric aristocrats, glamorous women and maverick Tories like Boris Johnson and his political and personal coterie. The foundation was created by Mr Aspinall's flamboyant father, gambling tycoon John Aspinall, in 1984. He was a close friend of fellow gambler Lord Lucan, who disappeared in 1974, and was also close to anti-EU campaigner Sir James Goldsmith, father of Zac and Ben. John Aspinall's Clermont Gambling club in London became the venue for celebrity nightclub Annabel's, opened by Mark Birley in the 1960s. Mark Birley's son, Robin, is a former trustee of the Aspinall Foundation, but his time there predates the Charity Commission's inquiries. Robin Birley, who owns the 5 Hertford St private club in Mayfair, renowned as a meeting place for wealthy Brexit supporters, gave £200,000 to Nigel Farage's UKIP party and £20,000 to Mr Johnson's successful Tory leadership campaign in 2019. Mr Birley is the half brother of Sir James Goldsmith's sons Zac and Ben who have both been trustees of the Aspinall Foundation, but also left before any inquiries were launched. Zac Goldsmith was given a peerage and ministerial post by fellow Old Etonian Mr Johnson as prime minister when he lost his Richmond, Surrey Commons seat in 2019. Shortly before becoming prime minister, Mr Johnson wrote a 1,000 word paean of praise to Mr Aspinall, commending his 'wonderful' conservation work in a Daily Telegraph article. Zac Goldsmith is also a mentor and close friend of Mrs Johnson. Her entree into the Tory Party, where she became its head of communications and met Mr Johnson, was as a young constituency campaigner for Zac Goldsmith. Ben Goldsmith was given a post on the board of the Department of the Environment – where his brother was a minister – in Mr Johnson's administration. Damian Aspinall, who like his father, once owned a casino, is reputedly worth £200 million. Mt Aspinall's daughter Tansy, whose mother Louise Sebag-Montefiire was Mr Aspinall's first wife, is a trustee of both the Aspinall Foundation and the Howletts Wild Animal Trust. It has also been suggested that the youngest of twice married Mr Aspinall's three daughters, Freya, a model and internet celebrity, could succeed him as chair of trustees at the Aspinall Foundation. Freya is the result of a separate relationship by Mr Aspinall with actress Donna Air. He also reportedly dated supermodels Elle Macpherson and Naomi Campbell. The Aspinall Foundation has also faced criticism for some of its conservation work. In 2014 it was claimed that some members of ten gorillas released to the wild in Africa by the charity were killed. Mr Aspinall blamed one of the gorillas for the killings.
The Independent
36 minutes ago
- The Independent
Troubleshooters sent in at wildlife charity linked to Carrie Johnson
Troubleshooters have been sent in to investigate a charity linked to Boris Johnson 's wife following claims that its funds were used improperly by the multimillionaire socialite who runs it. The Charity Commission has appointed a team of high-powered legal experts to act as interim managers and take over key decision-making at the Aspinall Foundation, run by former casino owner Damian Aspinall. According to the watchdog's code of conduct, interim managers are imposed on a charity when it believes there has been 'mismanagement and/or misconduct'. It defines misconduct as any 'criminal, unlawful or improper' act. The Aspinall Foundation is a global conservation group that releases zoo animals back into the wild, working with its sister charity the Howletts Wild Animal Trust, which runs two wildlife parks in Kent. Both charities have been under the Charity Commission's spotlight for five years, with a statutory inquiry launched in 2021. Its latest decision to send troubleshooters into the Aspinall Foundation over 'fresh issues of concern' marks a major tightening of the screw. Carrie Johnson was recruited by the Aspinall Foundation in January 2021 in a senior communications role on an estimated 'high five-figure salary' when her partner Mr Johnson, whom she married in May that year, was prime minister. Mr Johnson has been one of the charity's highest-profile cheerleaders. There is no suggestion of any wrongdoing by either of the Johnsons. The allegations against the Aspinall Foundation include allowing its chair, Mr Aspinall, to rent its headquarters, Howletts House – a neo-Palladian, 30-bedroom mansion in Kent, set in a 90-acre estate – for £2,500 a month, equivalent to the typical cost of renting a large house in nearby Canterbury. The rent was increased to £10,000 a month after a revaluation. Other allegations include paying £150,000 to Mr Aspinall's wife, Victoria, for 'interior design', as well as making loans to Mr Aspinall. In 2019, he reportedly owed the foundation £113,000. Allegations made against the Howletts Wild Animal Trust include paying Mr Aspinall's step mother Lady Sarah Aspinall a £30,000-a-year pension for 'gardening services'. In a statement to The Independent, the Charity Commission said: 'Our inquiry into the Aspinall Foundation is ongoing. Towards the end of last year, fresh issues of concern were identified requiring us to embark on a further phase of investigation, and our investigators are working hard to pursue these at pace. 'The commission has now appointed interim managers to the Aspinall Foundation, who will work alongside the existing trustees on specific areas in line with the charity's governing document.' The Charity Commission only imposes interim managers on a charity 'if it is satisfied that there has been misconduct and/or mismanagement' and it is considered 'necessary to protect the charity's property'. Misconduct 'includes any act that the person committing it knew – or ought to have known – was criminal, unlawful or improper'. Mismanagement is defined as 'any act that may result in charitable resources being misused – or the people who benefit from the charity being put at risk'. The Charity Commission troubleshooters have been tasked with making any decisions that cannot be made by the trustees because of 'a conflict of interest', and with 'reviewing the make-up of the board of trustees'. Crucially, they have also been ordered to find out whether any of the trustees – or their family members – 'received a direct or indirect benefit from the charity'. Mr Aspinall's daughter Tansy is a trustee of both the Aspinall Foundation and Howletts Wild Animal Trust. Multimillionaire and Conservative peer Zac Goldsmith, a former minister and a close friend of Mr Aspinall and both the Johnsons, was an Aspinall trustee until August 2019. Lord Goldsmith's brother Ben, a Tory donor who was given an advisory post in Mr Johnson's government, was also an Aspinall Foundation trustee. Both left before the Charity Commission launched any inquiries. A spokesperson for the Aspinall Foundation said: 'We welcome the inquiry by the Charity Commission and will continue to work with them transparently, but until that has concluded we are unable to comment further to press.' A spokesperson for the Howletts Wild Animal Trust said: 'With the Charity Commission's inquiry ongoing, we are unable to comment further.' Carrie Johnson could not be contacted. The Aspinall Foundation declined to say whether she is still an employee.
Telegraph
38 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Despite our ever-growing number of laws, this country is becoming increasingly lawless
Ronan's Law came into effect on Friday. Ninja swords, straight-bladed and lethal, may no longer be sold, bought or owned. The statute is named after Ronan Kanda, horribly murdered by such a weapon in Wolverhampton in 2022. It followed a campaign led by Ronan's mother, who wanted to memorialise her son in a practical way. What I am about to write may sound cold-hearted, but I think it needs saying. After such tragedies, the bereaved deserve our sympathy and our support; but they should not be treated as arbiters of what happens next. Modern civilisation rests on the idea that victims do not sit in judgment, and that principle extends to law-making. There is a reason that justice wears a blindfold. In our impatient, screen-addled era, the blindfold is frequently ripped away. Abstract precepts give way to human sympathies and prejudices. Naming laws after victims, a trend that began some 30 years ago in the United States, is perhaps the clearest symptom of our increasingly arbitrary approach to law-making. Ronan's Law is by no means the most egregious example, but it will serve. Attempts to criminalise certain kinds of blade, as opposed to certain kinds of behaviour, have never had much effect. Prohibit a particular design and small changes will allow a legal version. The fashion for ninja swords was itself a response to previous bans on machetes, zombie knives and disguised blades. Criminals can always turn everyday items into weapons. Yet the idea that banning certain types of knife will save lives (or 'countless lives' as the BBC report on Ronan's Law puts it) has an enduring appeal. It is more pleasant, at any rate, than confronting the possibility that the surge in stabbings might be rooted in cultural or demographic changes. Ronan's Law, which follows Scott's Law and Damian's Law (campaigns named after two other knife-crime fatalities), is now on the statute book. Who knows, it might even have an impact. But the precedents are not encouraging. Laws named after victims – apostrophe laws, as they are known – tend to have unintended consequences, precisely because they are pushed through with much moralising and little analysis. Take Sarah's Law, which allows for the identification of people with child abuse records. The campaign for that change set off a wave of vigilantism. At one point, a mob in South Wales attacked the home of a paediatrician, whose job title they had misunderstood. Or take Martyn's Law, named after a victim of the Manchester Arena bombing. Instead of tackling the root cause of that abomination, Martyn's Law requires public venues to implement anti-terrorism measures. Small music venues and village halls must have protocols in place to protect their customers from bombers. One casualty is the Shrewsbury Flower Show, the world's longest-running, which was supposed to have been held next weekend, its 150th anniversary, but has been cancelled in part because it cannot afford the compliance costs. There are proposals for a 'Hillsborough Law' to impose a duty of full disclosure on public bodies – with, once again, victims' families being treated as the judges of whether ministers are doing enough. There were even calls, following the murder of David Amess, for a 'David's Law' that would crack down on online abuse against MPs – as if Twitter, rather than Islamist terrorism, had killed him. In the fevered atmosphere that follows such a horror, truly outlandish ideas are entertained. It is tempting to blame politicians for these kneejerk measures. But, in a democracy, that is something of a cop out. I remember talking to an MP when the Online Harms Bill was first introduced. 'We both know how this is going to end,' I told her. 'These bans are sold as being about terrorism, but they never stop there.' 'That's easy for you to say,' she replied, sadly. 'You don't have voters to worry about at your end.' She had a point. Those who are now raging about the restrictions were, with some honourable exceptions, quiet during the passage of the legislation. MPs who spoke against it tended to be howled down as friends of child abusers (one such, though she gets surprisingly little recognition for it, was Kemi Badenoch). The Online Harms Bill might not have been eponymous, but it was a product of the same emotional, safetyist, nannying political culture as the apostrophe laws – hence the change in its name from the Online Harms Bill to the Online Safety Bill. Indeed, it is covered by a different apostrophe law, Lovejoy's Law, named after the vicar's wife from The Simpsons who repeatedly interrupts a political meeting by demanding, in support of contradictory positions, 'Oh won't somebody think of the children?' Lovejoy's Law holds that anyone who claims a monopoly on caring about children has a weak case. If your argument stands on its logic, you don't have to preface it with 'Speaking as a parent…' If the legal change you want is robust, you don't need to name it after anyone. But that point is hard to make in our emotionally incontinent age. Laws should be a last rather than a first resort. 'Corruptissima republica plurimae leges,' wrote Tacitus: the more numerous the laws, the more corrupt the state. Yet we increasingly demand that our MPs legislate to send messages, signal disapproval or appear active – and then turn on those MPs when the consequences become evident. It is not a new phenomenon. As a teenager, I watched in astonishment as a previous Conservative Government passed such obviously absurd measures as the Football Spectators Act (1989), which required fans to carry identity cards, and the Dangerous Dogs Act (1991) which condemned dogs on the basis of their appearance rather than their behaviour. Even then, I was uncomfortable with the bullying way in which the changes were driven through. Don't you care about the Hillsborough victims? Do you want kids to be savaged by pit bulls? Oh, won't somebody think of the children? Not that the 'think of the children' crowd do much thinking. One of the difficulties that organisations that work with children face is the hassle of requiring every volunteer to be vetted – a requirement that has its roots in the 1990s, when social workers around the country somehow convinced themselves that a shadowy network of powerful figures was using children in Satanic rituals. The moral panic passed, but the bureaucratic inconvenience remains. And that change was before 24-hour news channels, let alone the Internet. In our current political culture, it is almost impossible for a politician to respond to some scandal by saying, 'this is amply covered by existing laws', or 'it was an unforeseeable breakdown that no regulation could realistically have prevented'. No, it is easier by far to say, 'I shall impose new guidelines to Ensure This Never Happens Again'. Thus the pile of laws grows higher and higher. In 1949, Winston Churchill told MPs, 'If you have 10,000 regulations, you destroy all respect for the law'. Since then, we have had more than 100,000 statutory instruments alone. Yet none of it seems to slake our thirst for yet more legislation. The ultimate example was, of course, the pandemic, when the country demanded stringent measures, and railed against Boris Johnson for his hands-off libertarianism. Needless to say, voters do not like the effects of these measures: the price rises and tax rises, the surge in welfare claims, the absenteeism, the poor public services. But it was a brave politician (or even, ahem, newspaper columnist) who stood in the path of the authoritarian mob in March 2020. We say that we want politicians who tell us the truth, but we vote for those who parrot our prejudices. We declare our love of freedom, but we demand crackdowns. We imagine that we deal in facts, but we fall for human-interest stories presented through soft camera lenses and slow piano music. The fact is that democracies get the laws they deserve. Call it Daniel's Law.
