logo
Convicted for life, after a feud to death: The story of Munna Shukla, a rival, and Bihar politics

Convicted for life, after a feud to death: The story of Munna Shukla, a rival, and Bihar politics

Indian Express16-05-2025
A STORY from the Bihar badlands, of legendary friends turned arch rivals, a feud lasting four decades and several murders, may have entered yet another chapter.
On Thursday, the Supreme Court confirmed the life sentence for former MLA Vijay Kumar Shukla alias Munna Shukla in the 1998 murder of ex-Bihar minister Brijbihari Prasad. The Court gave Shukla – who had appealed in Court against its order of October 2024, sentencing him to life – 15 days to surrender.
Whether this is the end of the road for Shukla – who has survived other convictions, including of murder, while making strides in politics – is another matter, however.
The killing of Brijbihari Prasad in June 1998, for which Shukla stands convicted, had been sensational, with the then ruling RJD leader gunned down at Patna's Indira Gandhi Institute of Medical Sciences. In 1999, the case was transferred to the CBI. Ten years later, a Patna trial court sentenced Shukla and five others to life terms.
In October last year, the Supreme Court convicted Munna and Mantu Tiwari, another Bihar politician, and gave them life, while giving the other accused the benefit of doubt. In its Thursday order, the Court said it did not find 'any good ground and reason to review' the October judgment.
Shukla was also convicted in another high-profile case, the 1994 lynching of then Gopalganj DM G Krishnaiah. In 2008, the Patna High Court acquitted him and five others, while commuted the death sentence given to former MP Anand Mohan in the case to life. Anand Mohan was given remission in 2023 and released from jail. Krishnaiah's wife challenged the remission in the Supreme Court, where the matter is pending.
It was from Lalganj, Vaishali, in the 1970s that the story of the Shukla brothers – Chhotan, Bhutkun and Munna – began. The Bhumihar strongmen started off as petty contractors, which is how they came in contact with Prasad, a contractor from Motihari belonging to the OBC community.
A Muzaffarpur-based journalist recalls: 'There was so much camaraderie between Brijbihari Prasad and the Shuklas at one stage that Prasad's wife Rama Devi would tie a rakhi to the eldest of the Shukla brothers, Chhotan, on Rakshabandhan.'
Soon, the Shuklas' renown spread, as they ran up a list of allegations, particularly of extortion, and later, moved into politics. The brothers' expanding interests and muscle power brought them into conflict with Prasad, who too had graduated to politics after his business took off on the strength of government contracts. By 1982, the Shuklas and Prasad were officially at war.
A retired police officer, who once served in Muzaffarpur, said: 'They targeted each other's supporters, resulting in several killings between 1983 and 1985. While the two groups were suspected to have a hand, no FIRs were filed against either side.'
According to the former police officer, there was still peace as long as both Chhotan and Prasad enjoyed the patronage of influential Congress leader Raghunath Pandey, who was the Muzaffarpur MLA from 1985 to 2000. 'But then Prasad tried to defy Pandey, and Chhotan emerged as the latter's favourite.'
With Pandey's backing, Chhotan went about securing the support of most of the prominent upper caste leaders, particularly Hemant Shahi, the son of former minister and Bhumihar Congress leader L P Shahi. By 1990, Chhotan moved his attention full-time to politics, leaving the control of contracts to Bhutkun.
The thorn in the Shuklas' side, however, remained Prasad – who, having fallen out of favour with Pandey, found a benefactor in the RJD. Getting a jump over the Shuklas, he became an MLA and a minister in 1990 in the Lalu Prasad government. He also grew close to Begusarai muscleman Ashok Sharma a.k.a Ashok Samrat, a Bhumihar.
This triggered a fresh round of turf war as, bolstered by power, Prasad tried to curb the Shukla brothers' influence. The escalating cycle of violence culminated in Chhotan's killing in 1994. Police made hardly any headway in the murder, finally filing a closure report in 2020.
Chhotan's death meant Bhutkun took over the Shukla family reins. In 1994, he was named along with younger brother Munna in the lynching of G Krishnaiah.
Police officers say that Chhotan evaded them by remaining confined largely to his village Khanjahachak, which was surrounded by rivers from three sides while, on the fourth, there was an escape route to Uttar Pradesh via Saran.
In March 1997, Prasad's close aide Onkar Singh was killed, with the hand of the Shuklas suspected in it.
Months later, in October 1997, Bhutkun was killed by his own bodyguard. Officers say the bodyguard had been planted by his rivals back in 1995, and gained Bhutkun's confidence over the next two years. The bodyguard was never caught, and Bhutkun's killing too remained unsolved.
Eight months later, on June 13, 1998, Munna allegedly struck back, getting Prasad at the Patna hospital where he was admitted due to several ailments. Apart from Munna, police booked UP's Sriprakash Shukla, another known mafia don, and politicians Rajan Tiwari and Suraj Bhan, along with six others in Prasad's killing.
Sriprakash was killed in September 1998. In 2009, a Patna court sentenced all the others accused to life. In July 2014, the Patna High Court acquitted them.
The coming together of the upper-caste Rajputs and Bhumihars, who would make up about 8% of the state's population, could be a threat to the RJD politics. Lalu had a taste of it when the Bihar People's Party, formed by Anand Mohan, fielded Chhotan's widow Kiran Shukla from the Kesaria Assembly seat in the 1995 polls.
She lost though to CPI OBC candidate, Yamuna Yadav.
In 2005, the Shuklas made a fresh foray into politics, when Munna contested on the ticket of RJD rival JD(U) from the Lalganj Assembly seat and won. After his conviction in 2009, Munna's wife Annu contested from the seat as an Independent in 2010 – and retained it.
As is the way of politics, things have come full circle, with Munna now with the RJD – the party he was pitted against all these years. Last year, before the Supreme Court conviction came, he contested the Lok Sabha polls from Vaishali as RJD nominee against the LJP (Ramvilas)'s Veena Devi, but lost.
In the Assembly elections due this year, Munna was hopeful of getting a ticket again, for either himself or wife Annu, from Lalganj. The seat incidentally is represented by the RJD's Sanjay Kumar Singh currently.
On the other side, Prasad's wife Rama Devi is also well-entrenched in politics, having won as the Sheohar MP thrice, in 2009, 2014 and 2019, from the BJP. In last year's Lok Sabha elections, Rama was denied a ticket from Sheohar, with the nomination going to BJP ally JD(U)'s Lovely Anand, who won. Lovely Anand, incidentally, is the wife of Anand Mohan.
RJD spokesperson Mrityunjay Tiwari indicated the turf war may continue – at least in politics. 'What can one say about the Supreme Court's verdict? Munna Shukla will explore more legal options,' Tiwari said.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

CBI to investigate irregularities in ASI epigraphy project
CBI to investigate irregularities in ASI epigraphy project

Time of India

time18 minutes ago

  • Time of India

CBI to investigate irregularities in ASI epigraphy project

HYDERABAD: Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has formally written to Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Bengaluru unit, requesting a probe into alleged irregularities involving several public servants in connection with the digitisation of estampages at the epigraphy branch in Mysuru. The letter, dated July 11 and signed by ASI additional director general and chief vigilance officer Madhukar, lists a series of issues that were flagged for investigation following internal findings and a prior vigilance inquiry. ASI noted that with the approval of the competent authority, the matter was now being referred to CBI for further action under Section 17-A of the Prevention of Corruption Act, 2018. You Can Also Check: Hyderabad AQI | Weather in Hyderabad | Bank Holidays in Hyderabad | Public Holidays in Hyderabad Specific issues flagged include assigning buyer and consignee duties to unauthorised personnel, placing repeated purchase orders to Hirachi Enterprises, and reimbursing 2.4 lakh to four officials for direct purchases made outside the standard procedures. ASI noted that plywood worth 1.65 lakh was procured to house camera equipment used in digitisation work, and accommodations rented for official purposes were used to carry out the digitisation activity. Another concern raised pertains to the private agency, Dronacharya Seva Sansthan, allegedly failing to deposit EPF contributions of labourers engaged in project, even as payments were released to agency without verification. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like A genetic disorder that is damaging his organs. Help my son Donate For Health Donate Now Undo The sequence of events dates back to 2022 when a Telangana-based photojournalist, D Ravinder Reddy, approached the HC over the cancellation of a work order related to the digitisation of nearly one lakh estampages - manual paper copies of inscriptions - stored at ASI's epigraphy branch in Mysuru. Norms flouted to favour foreign firm: HC According to court proceedings, ASI had initially floated a tender on the GeM platform for a project valued at 1.5 crore. Ravinder Reddy, who has over three decades of experience in photo documentation, emerged as the lowest bidder and was invited to Mysuru for a demonstration. However, the tender was cancelled, and the contract was later awarded to a Netherlands-based firm, PIQL, at an cost of 5.61 crore. The HC set aside ASI's revised work order and directed that the contract be awarded to the next eligible bidder. The HC observed that norms were flouted to favour the foreign firm. Following the verdict, several officials from ASI were transferred amid suspicion of irregularities, and an internal vigilance probe was ordered.

Brazil's top court defies Trump, signals no retreat on Bolsonaro probe
Brazil's top court defies Trump, signals no retreat on Bolsonaro probe

Business Standard

time36 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Brazil's top court defies Trump, signals no retreat on Bolsonaro probe

Donald Trump's tariff threat against Brazil over a legal probe into his political ally, former President Jair Bolsonaro, caught the Supreme Court in Brasilia off guard. The top court is in recess during July — not all its judges were even in the country — making it difficult to convene to formulate a response. But a group of justices including Alexandre de Moraes, who is overseeing the former president's case, immediately began discussing a response aimed more at asserting national sovereignty than easing tensions with the US. Just after Trump threatened 50 per cent tariffs on Brazil on July 9, this group advocated for the court to issue a statement challenging the US president's assertion of a 'Witch Hunt,' according to two people with knowledge of how the events unfolded. In the end, Chief Justice Luis Roberto Barroso agreed in a call with President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva that the first response should come from the political sphere, a third person said, all of them asking not be named discussing private deliberations. 'If there was some expectation that the threats would generate some fear in the Brazilian Supreme Court, the effect is the opposite,' said Thiago de Aragao, head of Arko International, a Washington-based consultancy. 'Their willingness to go through this all the way to the end is much higher, especially because they want to demonstrate their sovereignty and independence.' That reality signals turbulence ahead between Latin America's economic and political heavyweight helmed by a seasoned leftist leader and an unapologetically mercantilist US under a president who is now largely unfettered by legal constraints. Since then, Trump reiterated his tariff threats in an open letter, Brazil's top court ordered Bolsonaro to wear an ankle monitor alleging a flight risk, and the US State Department revoked US visas for Moraes and other justices. Early warnings It's a clash of personalities and political cultures that's been building for some time. Since early this year, officials from the US embassy in Brasilia had reached out to Brazil's Supreme Court to warn that the ongoing investigation into whether Bolsonaro had sought to overturn his 2022 election loss threatened to harm trade relations, according to one of the people with knowledge of the conversations. Brazil's Supreme Court didn't reply to a request for comment. The US embassy said it has made clear its 'concern about the politicization of the investigations' involving Bolsonaro and his supporters. The issue has been raised 'during interactions with Brazilian authorities, for some time now,' according to the July 18 statement issued by the embassy's press office in Portuguese. Brazilian justices aware of the advisories initially shrugged them off as absurd. There was no way, they reasoned, the US would intervene in what was ultimately a domestic legal affair, one of the people said. But if Brazilian judges had underestimated the White House, it quickly became clear that Trump, too, had miscalculated. To the majority of the court's members, the Bolsonaro case is part of a larger fight to safeguard a relatively young democracy the former Army captain allegedly put in peril. And unlike the US Supreme Court, which helped clear the way for Trump's return to power despite charges that he illegally conspired to overturn his 2020 defeat, Brazil's has no intention of giving in. The court's determination is typically ascribed — by supporters and critics alike — to Moraes, the crusading justice overseeing both the coup trial and spearheading an aggressive campaign against social-media disinformation that has also drawn the ire of Trump and members of his movement. As part of his efforts, the 56-year-old judge has ordered the removal of accounts accused of spreading fake news from platforms like X, Rumble and Meta's Facebook. He's clashed with right-wing journalists and commentators who say he's abusing his power to target political opponents, and last year waged a public tussle with Elon Musk after banning access to X in Brazil. His prominent role in Brazil's most high-profile legal fights has turned him into the supervillain of Bolsonaro's movement: Eduardo Bolsonaro, a son of the former president, has spent months in the US lobbying Washington to put sanctions on the judge. Moraes has declined requests for comment. US, Brazil parallels In reality, the majority of the court's 11 members are united in the belief that they are waging an existential fight for Brazilian democracy — one with implications that stretch far beyond Brazil's borders. It's a view that solidified in the wake of the 2023 insurrection attempt in which thousands of Bolsonaro supporters ransacked major government buildings, including the Supreme Court, the presidential palace and Congress — events that drew natural comparisons to the Capitol riots in Washington that followed Trump's 2020 defeat. Even the dates were similar: the US rioting came on Jan. 6; Brazil's attempted coup was Jan. 8. As clear as the parallels are, the responses from the country's Supreme Courts couldn't be much different. The US tribunal ruled in 2024 that Trump enjoyed some immunity from criminal charges over his efforts to overturn the results, effectively killing chances of a trial before last year's election. His subsequent victory put an end to the case altogether. 'I see Brazil with mechanisms to protect its democracy that are much efficient what we've seen in the US,' said Robert Dias, a professor of constitutional law at Getulio Vargas Foundation law school in Sao Paulo. 'The American constitution only has force when institutional actors are loyal to it.' Brazil, by contrast, moved swiftly: In 2023, its electoral court — a separate body made up of a rotating cast of Supreme Court justices — barred Bolsonaro from holding office for eight years for spreading voter fraud conspiracies, ending any chance of a swift return to the presidency. The judicial system has moved similarly rapidly to find the culprits the Jan. 8 2023 insurrection in Brasilia. Federal police recommended the coup attempt charges in November 2024. Within months, the Supreme Court had approved them and set the stage for a trial. More outspoken by tradition than their American counterparts, the justices have left little doubt about their motivations: They want to conclude the trial before Brazilians vote again in October 2026. That has added fuel to claims that they've predetermined the outcome and robbed Bolsonaro of due process. But in recent days, judges have pushed back, arguing that their aggressive approach was necessary to avoid the sort of democratic collapse that has happened elsewhere. 'An independent and active court was necessary to prevent the collapse of institutions, as has occurred in several countries around the world, from Eastern Europe to Latin America,' Chief Justice Barroso wrote in a letter published on its website on July 13. 'The Supreme Federal Court will judge independently and based on the evidence.' Despite the July recess, Moraes continued working, and Bolsonaro's case proceeded as normal. the Prosecutor General's Office submitted its closing arguments on July 14, requesting his conviction for the attempted coup. The Supreme Court is expected to return from recess in August and likely to conclude the case soon. What remains uncertain is how far Trump is willing to go to support Bolsonaro. Eduardo Bolsonaro and conservative digital influencer Paulo Figueiredo, grandson of the last president of the military dictatorship that ruled Brazil from 1964 to 1985, spent the past several days in Washington in meetings at the State Department and, according to them, at the White House. In a sign of Trump's unconventional diplomacy, Eduardo and Figueiredo have become key sources of information about Brazil for his administration, according to diplomatic sources. 'Everyone's position was unanimous: There will not be a millimeter of concession unless Brazil takes the first step,' Figueiredo said Wednesday of the meetings held in Washington. 'The warning we heard was: 'If things continue at this pace, President Trump may take additional measures, which could even involve the financial market.'' Donald Trump has so far said he won't back down. 'It is my sincere hope that the Government of Brazil changes course, stops attacking political opponents, and ends their ridiculous censorship regime,' Trump wrote in the letter addressed to Bolsonaro Thursday night. 'I will be watching closely.'

World's oldest marathoner Fauja Singh cremated
World's oldest marathoner Fauja Singh cremated

Hans India

time36 minutes ago

  • Hans India

World's oldest marathoner Fauja Singh cremated

Jalandhar: World's oldest marathoner Fauja Singh, known by the nickname 'Turbaned Tornado', was cremated on Sunday with full state honours here in Beas, his native village. Punjab Governor Gulab Chand Kataria, Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann, Minister Mohinder Bhagat and several other politicians attended the funeral. Fauja Singh's son Harvinder Singh lit the funeral pyre. Punjab Police gave a gun salute before the pyre was lit. Fauja Singh was 114 when he was hit by an SUV being driven by Canada-based Amritpal Singh Dhillon on July 14. He was crossing the Jalandhar-Pathankot highway when the incident occurred. Fauja Singh later succumbed to injuries.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store