
Letter to Mahlamba Ndlopfu: My jacaranda tree is a living metaphor for a country in flux
You might recall, my leader, how the erstwhile Chief Tenant of Mahlamba Ndlopfu, Thabo Mbeki, once waxed lyrical about the jacaranda trees to illustrate the splendour of our land. In a flourish typical of his philosophical bent, he ventured into uncharted territory, posing the rhetorical question: 'At times, and in fear, I have wondered whether I should concede equal citizenship of our country to the leopard and the lion, the elephant and the springbok, the hyena, the black mamba and the pestilential mosquito.'
As I ponder the future of my homeland, my jacaranda tree stands as a living metaphor for a country in flux — confused, stripped of its splendour, yet stubbornly rooted in the hope that spring might one day return.
Comrade Leadership, I'm going all philosophical on you because simple language and polite presuppositions can no longer suffice to explain the goings-on in the Republic of the Guptas — a land seemingly complete with its own Ministry of Crime tucked inside the Justice, Crime Prevention and Security (JCPS) Cluster.
Now, to keep things precise, the word 'cluster,' according to the Oxford English Dictionary, means: Cluster (noun): A group of similar things growing or held together; a bunch.
A bunch of ministers, a cluster of chaos
Comrade Leadership, I'm rather fond of that last bit — a bunch. Stay with me for a second. Today, the Ministry of Police boasts a proper bunch of FIVE warm bodies. Yes, you read that right. It's a bona fide bunch of a ministry, the only one globally.
First, you instructed our alleged underworld figure, Senzo Mchunu, to retreat to Zululand and tend to his chickens — on full pay — with the Blue Light Bullies (VIP police) trailing behind him.
Then, in a plot twist worthy of a daytime soapie, you appointed Gwede Mantashe, Minister of Mineral and Petroleum Resources, as Acting Minister of Police, effective immediately. He's merely holding the fort until Professor Firoz Cachalia assumes office in early August 2025, again in an acting capacity.
Meanwhile, Mchunu will continue to shuffle between the Police Commission of Inquiry, chaired by Acting Deputy Chief Justice Mbuyiseli Madlanga, and his taxpayer-funded hotel suite or state house, as he fancies.
So here we stand, with a ministry housing three ministers — real, acting, and acting-in-waiting — plus two deputy ministers, namely Shela Boshielo and Cassel Mathale, both ANC acolytes.
The latter serve diligently, albeit in near-total silence, thus redefining the very concept of a bunch within a cluster. If we add their bag carriers, security detail, administrators, speechwriters, spokespersons, heads of office or chiefs of staff, we've graduated from a 'bunch' to a fully fledged ANC branch.
It comes complete with the quorum for singing 'My President, My President' at a regional conference at the Birchwood Hotel & Conference Centre in Ekurhuleni, Benoni. I digress.
Coup plots and the people's bae
My leader, within this convoluted environment, Minister in the Presidency Khumbudzo Ntshavheni, caretaker of state security, enters, wide-eyed but speaking in hushed tones. Ntshavheni — the people's bae, renowned for her fiery promise to 'smoke them out' when it comes to illegal miners and private sector players allegedly plotting to collapse the ANC-led government, is suddenly muted.
This week, she dropped the political equivalent of a thunderclap, revealing 'plots of a coup d'état, or unconstitutional changes of government, orchestrated or encouraged by elements both domestic and external'.
Yet, tragically, she followed this bombshell with a curious disclaimer: 'We are not alarmist, but vigilant. It is our duty to detect and neutralise threats before they destabilise the Republic. South Africa is not immune to the global trend of hybrid threats, where disinformation, cyberattacks and foreign interests combine with local actors to try to delegitimise the state or effect regime change.'
My leader, I am utterly devastated by the minister's newfound reluctance to lead from the front and 'identify coup d'état plotters and smoke them out'. Why this sudden bout of shyness? Why are we, of all nations battered by history, suddenly so timid, so determined not to be alarmist, especially when the very foundations of the Republic might be under siege from forces skulking both inside and outside our borders?
Where, I ask you, is this much-vaunted bunch of a Ministry of Police when we need them the most? In truth, the entire Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster should be on high alert, lest we witness a repeat of the proverbial July 2021 civil unrest. Those 12 so-called instigators, if you remember, were apparently identified by former police minister Bheki Cele in his sleep. Yet they somehow managed to outsmart, outfox, outwit and downright embarrass the entire security apparatus of the Republic.
Barbarians at the gate
And I'm left wondering, my leader: If the people's bae herself is now whispering instead of roaring, who exactly will stand guard when the jackals — or shall we call them the Barbarians — come sniffing at the gates of our democracy, specifically at Mahlamba Ndlopfu?
In times like these, we, as a nation (Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi included) must be vigilant, aware and ready to take action to protect our homeland from imigodoyi and underworld figures.
I say so, my leader, because our Special Forces, police and army appear distracted these days. A whole 'bunch' of them are now deployed to protect our freshly minted National Key Point, none other than Lieutenant-General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, who, as you know, has been dropping political bombs — or was it missiles — that could blow the roof off the entire Justice, Crime Prevention and Security Cluster.
Meanwhile, the army types are playing a very different kind of war game, marching in and out of courtrooms, their boots squeaking on polished tiles instead of battlefield dust.
On 11 July 2025, 12 SANDF Special Forces operators appeared in the Randburg Magistrate's Court facing a cocktail of charges including murder, kidnapping, fraud, obstruction of justice, perjury and vehicle theft.
Their alleged involvement in the murder of Hawks investigator Frans Mathipa, tied to a kidnapping case involving a suspected Isis associate, reads like a Hollywood script. Except this is no blockbuster film. It's real life, with consequences for the integrity of our security cluster and the safety of 'our people'.
Mafia state?
My leader, all of this leaves me grappling with a chilling question: are we teetering on the brink of a failed state, or have we become a fully fledged mafia state? Because it's becoming increasingly complex to tell the difference.
One minute, we're standing tall, singing Nkosi Sikelel' iAfrika, our fists raised high, eyes glistening with patriotic fervour, tears rolling down our cheeks as we swear that ours is a land of peace, justice and freedom.
The next minute, we're hunched over our smartphones, squinting through bloodshot eyes at news alerts that speak of ministers under investigation, Special Forces members frog-marched into courtrooms, and whispers of coups slithering like vipers through the corridors of power.
New citizens
Perhaps, like the philosopher king Mbeki, we should indeed consider extending citizenship not to humans, who seem so hellbent on betrayal and plunder, but rather to the lions, leopards and elephants — creatures that, at the very least, understand the sacredness of territorial integrity and the solemn duty of sovereignty.
At least the lion, when he roars, roars for real, and not in carefully worded press statements drafted by spin doctors who've mastered the art of saying absolutely nothing in a thousand words. With lions, there would be no cosy clandestine meetings in smoke-filled rooms to plot tenders and sell out national secrets.
At least the leopard, when he stalks his prey, does so with lethal purpose, not dithering behind endless commissions of inquiry or ducking questions from parliamentary committees.
At least the elephant, in its grandeur, never forgets, a quality that would serve this Republic well, given how conveniently our leaders' memories seem to fail them whenever brown envelopes start changing hands. Brown Mogotsi, anyone?
My leader, sometimes I wonder if the wild animals would better guard the gates of Mahlamba Ndlopfu than some of those currently holding high office.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Citizen
20 hours ago
- The Citizen
Court processes clogging prisons, hears correctional services committee
The Department of Correctional Services says 40% of the prison population is serving sentences of 15 years or more. The high number of suspects remanded in custody is being exacerbated by avoidable postponements, says the department of correctional services (DCS). The department's portfolio committee was on Friday given a presentation on measures to reduce overcrowding, when the challenges with the legal system were explained. Legislation mandates that suspects should not be held indefinitely and that reasons for extended stays under remand must be recorded. Large lifer population The two pieces of legislation covered by the briefing were Section 49G of the Correctional Services Act and Section 62F of the Criminal Procedure Act. Section 49G says that remanded suspects must not be held in custody for longer than a period of two years without the relevant court being notified. Section 62F relates to the adjust of bail conditions imposed upon accused persons awaiting prosecution. Causing additional congestion is the number of inmates serving lengthy sentences, with 40% of inmates serving sentences over 15 years. 'This means that bed spaces will not become readily available, which places more pressure on already overcrowded correctional facilities,' DCS said. The department said 19 664 inmates were sentenced to life, 10 870 inmates were serving sentences of 20-25 years and another 10 856 were serving between 15 and 20 years. Reasons for postponements Those remanded in custody — a total of 57 800 inmates — while awaiting prosecution are done so because the suspect is either ineligible for bail or can not afford bail. Postponements and case delays prolong the accused stays, with DCS listing the reasons given by the relevant courts being: Presence of the co-accused; Changing of legal representatives; Request for case related documents so that the newly appointed legal representatives can prepare for the case; Delays in handing over of case documents to the newly appointed legal representatives; Lack of funds to pay private legal representatives; Additional charges inferred to the accused while on bail; Multiple number of co-accused in one case; Accused linked to other crimes that are under investigation; Withdrawal of legal representation by attorneys; Delays in securing a date in the high court; Loss of court records; Failure of witnesses to appear in court leading to the case being remanded several times; Multiple witnesses in the case; Requests for remand by defence, lawyers of the accused or the state; and Requests for separation of trials. Solving the 'puzzle' DCS said its remedies included greater integration with the justice, crime prevention and security (JCPS) cluster and the greater involvement of the national case backlog committee. uMkhonto weSizwe party's Musawenkosi Gasa questioned the effectiveness and efficiencies of the listed, as well as that of the backlog committee. 'There is no evidence of [any] impact on reducing delays. So the lack of integration between JCPS cluster system further undermines accountability,' said Gasa. DCS Minister Pieter Groenewald acknowledged the delays in the courts system, but said incremental steps were being made. 'It remains a challenge but this is one of the ways to see how we can deal with our overcrowding. 'I always say when we talk about overcrowding that it is like a puzzle and there are small pieces that must complete the puzzle. So this is one of them,' said Groenewald. NOW READ: Cheap labour? Here's how much prisoners earn in Correctional Services' bakeries

The Herald
3 days ago
- The Herald
Land and justice under the spotlight at community dialogue
Frantz Fanon's vision of justice and reconciliation through the examination of the Expropriation Bill and the case of the Cradock Four was explored at a community dialogue on Tuesday night. The Herald, in collaboration with Nelson Mandela University, hosted the dialogue at the South End Museum. Organised by the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy (Canrad), the event was facilitated by Katlego Mofokeng and had four legal experts, activists and academics, each bringing a different perspective to the floor. The panellists discussed issues around land injustice, historical accountability, and the legacy of colonialism in democratic SA. Qhawe Mbongwe, PhD candidate at NMU who analysed the role of the TRC in post-apartheid SA, said the commission failed because it did not provide more than a one-dimensional view of apartheid. 'The TRC succeeded in advocating for a narrow interpretation of the effects of apartheid, and by doing so, it acknowledged only the violations that were suffered by political activists or agents of the state. 'It effectively ignored the effects apartheid had on the broad masses of the South African population. 'Not only did the TRC's final report downplay apartheid — the crime against humanity — but proceeded to demonstrate limited understanding of the legal machinery through which this crime was perpetuated under the disguise of the rule of law. 'Furthermore, the TRC's definition of human rights violations was narrow and restricted. 'Apartheid, as a system of oppression, did not target the bodily integrity of a population group defined as Bantu, but their means of livelihood, land and labour. It did not oppress or violate people individually, but collectively. 'We have seen how the works of Frantz Fanon continue to shape historical epochs in the Third World. 'All over the colonial world, Fanon remains a symbol of resistance, justice and decolonisation,' he said. Sibusiso Thwala, specialist and director of NexGen Leadership Solutions, highlighted the issues around settlers in SA and colonialism. 'Land is not merely about hectares or title deeds. In SA, land holds memory, identity, dignity and economy. It is our connection to history, to each other, and to ourselves. 'Frantz Fanon reminds us: 'For a colonised people, the most essential value, because it is the most concrete, is first and foremost the land: the land which will bring them bread and, above all, dignity.' 'Colonialism didn't just steal land, it reshaped identities, distorted truths, and dictated whose life mattered. So Fanon's idea of revolutionary justice is not simply retribution, it is reconstruction. 'It demands that we ask: Who owns? Who decides? Who heals? Who benefits? Without changing these foundations, the oppressed remain colonised under a different flag,' he said. The last speaker of the evening, Zandi Radebe, shared some insight on the struggle songs used during apartheid, and through the use of amagwijo (liberation songs), she explained how these traditions reflect different ideological approaches to land, memory and justice. 'I chose amagwijo because I want to speak to how ordinary community members, mainly the rank and file, what some people call the masses of the movement, thought about the liberation struggle, and most importantly, how they felt. 'Amagwijo allows us to access the structure of feelings among the people in whose names the liberation was fought,' Radebe said. The Herald

IOL News
4 days ago
- IOL News
Urgent motion revived by National Assembly to address statutory rape of young girls
The portfolio committees of Social Development, Basic Education, Health, Justice, and Police were mandated to receive submissions on the statutory rape of young girls, review legislation, and if necessary, recommend amendments to enforce mandatory reporting of statutory rape by teachers and nurses. Image: Photographer: Armand Hough / Independent Newspapers The National Assembly of South Africa unanimously agreed to revive a motion to investigate statutory rape of young girls and review existing laws for potential amendments. Initially introduced by the EFF in August last year, the motion was read by ANC chief whip Mdumiseni Ntuli to continue the work of committees that were unable to conduct public hearings. Ntuli said the portfolio committees of Social Development, Basic Education, Health, Justice, and Police were mandated to receive submissions on the statutory rape of young girls, review legislation, and if necessary, recommend amendments to enforce mandatory reporting of statutory rape by teachers and nurses. The committees were mandated to report to the House by March 31, 2025, but the actual hearings could not be conducted before the deadline. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading Ntuli said there was a need for the work of the committees to be pursued as initially intended. He said the Portfolio Committee on Women, Youth and Persons with Disabilities should lead the statutory rape related work and reporting to the National Assembly by November 30. DA chief whip George Michalakis said it was high time Parliament dealt with this issue of statutory rape, which cuts across various departments, decisively. 'Statutory rape of young girls in this country has become a crisis that needs to be dealt decisively by this Parliament,' Michalakis said. MK Party MP Hazel Mbele said the motion should not just be up for debate but it should be declared a national emergency. 'Right now in our townships, rural villages and even our schools, our children are raped, groomed and destroyed and the system is looking away,' Mbele said. She also said while the Sexual Offences Amendment Act criminalised sex with minors, the law was good as its enforcement. 'How many teachers have we seen walk free after impregnating learners? How many sugar daddies are still driving fancy cars while 15-year-old girls carry their babies and their trauma?' Mbele asked. EFF MP Hlengiwe Mkhaliphi said the motion, that was tabled by former MP Busisiwe Mkhwebane without notice and was adopted, had brought to the attention of the House the alarming crisis of statutory rapes, a crisis highlighting distressing reality that young girls were coerced into premature motherhood and adulthood. 'These victims are often unaware that they are violated and are in urgent need of protection and justice,' Mkhaliphi said. ANC MP Oscar Mathafa said research showed that South Africa has extremely high rate of teenage pregnancies as one in four girls fall pregnant before they turn 20, and that out of 122,302 that gave birth in 2023/24, 2,616 were aged between 10 and 14. He said the statistics were a disjuncture to the Sexual Offences Amendment Act that prescribes that girls under the age of 12 can't give consent to sex. Mathafa said there was need for a collective effort to address teenage pregnancies with families being involved, and parents and guardians should report to authorities. 'The times of mediatory discussion among perpetrators and family members of victims cannot continue,' he said. Cape Argus