How To Fix California's Self-Inflicted Homeowner's Insurance Crisis
According to a recent news story, California's raging home insurance woes are a result of climate change. That's certainly true if the climate we're talking about is the state's regulatory climate. Like many of California's problems, the insurance crisis is a self-inflicted wound—in this case, one suffered when residents and regulators turned a once-competitive market for insurance into a command economy in which insurers are increasingly unwilling to operate. Fortunately, the market for home insurance can be improved if Californians are willing to address their (regulatory) climate problems.
"Just months after fires devastated parts of Los Angeles, one of the leading home insurers in California, State Farm, is temporarily raising rates 17 percent," The New York Times' David Gelles wrote May 15. He cited this rate hike, which follows on an even larger one last year, as "just the latest example of the indirect but increasingly costly ways that climate change is affecting the American economy."
But the "insurance crisis" that Gelles points to in California and sees "spreading across the country" isn't just the result of temperature fluctuations or shifts in humidity. It's a foreseeable outcome of state residents voting themselves discounts at the expense of insurance companies, and of politicians catering to the public's desire to pay what they want rather than market rates.
"This insurance market crisis is downstream of California's cumbersome, voter-approved insurance regulations that limit the ability of insurers to raise rates to cope with increased wildfire risks," Reason's Christian Britschgi noted in February after the Los Angeles wildfires made a bad situation even worse.
In 1988, Californians passed Proposition 103 which, according to the state's summary of the measure, "required that every insurer reduce its rates to at least 20% less than the rates that were in effect on November 8, 1987 unless such rollback would lead to a company's insolvency." The California Supreme Court modified this to allow for what state officials considered "a fair rate of return," but there are more voters paying premiums than working for insurance companies, with predictable results.
According to a 2023 paper from the International Center for Law and Economics, as of 2020, despite sky-high property values and well-known wildfire risks, Californians "paid an annual average of $1,285 in homeowners insurance premiums across all policy types—less than the national average of $1,319." When insurers need to raise rates to reflect risks and costs, they can only do so after extended hearings and a government review process designed to please voters, not to reflect economic reality. Unsurprisingly, well before the Los Angeles fires, insurers were limiting coverage and leaving the state.
Even Insurance Commissioner Ricardo Lara admits insurers "don't have to be here, and when we try to overregulate, we'll see what happened after the Northridge earthquake, when the legislature came in and tried to overregulate, and they no longer write earthquake insurance in California."
To avoid further destroying the market for insurance, California needs regulatory reform. To get reform, more state officials and residents will have to admit that they created the problem.
"The root cause of California's current crisis lies in a combination of increasingly destructive wildfires and a regulatory framework that is both inefficient and inadequate in addressing the growing risks," comments the Independent Institute's Kristian Fors in a recent policy report proposing reforms for California's homeowners' insurance market.
Kors points out that a functioning insurance market hedges against low probability but expensive events by spreading the costs across a pool of people paying premiums. The market works best when people are sorted by "risk classes" that more or less reflect different likelihoods that they'll ever collect on that bet over a low-probability event. All else being equal, homeowners living on a well-cleared island in the middle of a lake should probably pay lower premiums than those living amid dry brush.
As mentioned above, California interferes in the market in crowd-pleasing ways, lowering costs for the insured and reducing the chance that insurers will make a profit or even break even if they participate in the market. As Kors notes, "prohibitions on using forward-looking 'catastrophe models' for assessing wildfire risks have further compounded the exposure faced by insurance companies." The state finally backed off that prohibition in December 2024.
Allowing catastrophe modeling is a step in the right direction, according to Kors, "but the prior-approval process still hinders the efficient pricing mechanisms of free markets to operate." That is, California needs to get out of the business of regulating insurance rates and allow the market to operate. "Insurance companies should be able to raise and lower their prices freely, in accordance with changing market conditions, and they should also be free to incorporate any variables associated with risk in their actuarial assessments." To do that, Proposition 103 will have to be repealed.
The growing severity of wildfires also needs to be addressed through better land management. "One of the most critical errors made by Cal Fire and other agencies was to focus on fire suppression rather than prevention," Kors notes. That will require forest thinning and prescribed burns to reduce the risk of uncontrollable fires. As it is, California committed in 2020 to treating 500,000 acres of forest land per year, but it has only met about a fifth of that goal (the federal government also lags in its land-management obligations).
Kors adds that "a well-functioning insurance market would also minimize wildfire risk by properly incentivizing home hardening and fire mitigation practices." It would also discourage building in high-risk areas without taking steps to reduce fire danger.
While a big part of the reason so many homes are built in high-risk wildland-urban interface (WUI) areas is regulatory restriction on market rates that would reflect risk, Kors adds that the state's expensive restrictions and delays on constructing new homes in desirable areas push settlement into higher-risk areas: "Eliminating the restrictions that prevent housing development would alleviate the pressure that people from all socioeconomic backgrounds, but especially those of lower incomes, experience that push them into fire-prone WUIs." That will require reform not just of insurance rules, but of zoning laws, permitting, urban growth boundaries, and other red tape that obstructs housing construction.
Climate may change and risks can rise and fall, but insurance markets are capable of adjusting—if they're allowed to do so. If Californians want insurance to deal with their wildfire problems, they're going to have to undo a lot of bad policy choices.
The post How To Fix California's Self-Inflicted Homeowner's Insurance Crisis appeared first on Reason.com.
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New York Post
44 minutes ago
- New York Post
California closes $12B deficit by cutting back immigrants' access to health care
California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed on Friday a budget that pares back a number of progressive priorities, including a landmark health care expansion for low-income adult illegal immigrants, to close a $12 billion deficit. It's the third year in a row the nation's most populous state has been forced to slash funding or stop some of the programs championed by Democratic leaders. Lawmakers passed the budget earlier in the day following an agreement of a $321 billion spending plan between Newsom and Democratic leaders. 7 California Gov. Gavin Newsom signed a budget that pares back a number of progressive priorities, including a health care expansion for low-income adult illegal immigrants. AP But the whole budget will be void if lawmakers don't send him legislation to make it easier to build housing by Monday. The budget avoids some of the most devastating cuts to essential safety net programs, state leaders said. They mostly relied on using state savings, borrowing from special funds and delaying payments to plug the budget hole. 'It's balanced, it maintains substantial reserves, and it's focused on supporting Californians,' Newsom said in a statement about the budget. California also faces potential federal cuts to health care programs and broad economic uncertainty that could force even deeper cuts. Newsom in May estimated that federal policies — including on tariffs and immigration enforcement — could reduce state tax revenue by $16 billion. 7 California Gov. Gavin Newsom speaks to reporters in San Francisco, Calif. in June 12, 2025. JOHN G MABANGLO/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock 7 Migrant farm laborers have their temperatures in King City, Calif. on April 28, 2020. Getty Images 'We've had to make some tough decisions,' Senate President Pro Tempore Mike McGuire said Friday. 'I know we're not going to please everyone, but we're doing this without any new taxes on everyday Californians.' Republican lawmakers said they were left out of budget negotiations. They also criticized Democrats for not doing enough to address future deficits, which could range between $17 billion to $24 billion annually. 7 Protesters hold up signs supporting healthcare for illegal immigrants during California's Immigrants Day of Action on May 20, 2019 in Sacramento, Calif. AP 'We're increasing borrowing, we're taking away from the rainy day fund, and we're not reducing our spending,' said Republican state Sen. Tony Strickland prior to the vote. 'And this budget also does nothing about affordability in California.' Here's a look at spending in key areas: Health care Under the budget deal, California will stop enrolling new adult patients without legal status in its state-funded health care program for low-income people starting 2026. The state will also implement a $30 monthly premium July 2027 for immigrants remaining on the program, including some with legal status. The premiums would apply to adults under 60 years old. The changes to the program, known as Medi-Cal, are a scaled-back version of Newsom's proposal in May. Still, it's a major blow to an ambitious program started last year to help the state inch closer to a goal of universal health care. Democratic state Sen. Maria Elena Durazo broke with her party and voted 'no' on the health care changes, calling them a betrayal of immigrant communities. The deal also removes $78 million in funding for mental health phone lines, including a program that served 100,000 people annually. It will eliminate funding that helps pay for dental services for low-income people in 2026 and delay implementation of legislation requiring health insurance to cover fertility services by six months to 2026. But lawmakers also successfully pushed back on several proposed cuts from Newsom that they called 'draconian.' The deal secures funding for a program providing in-home domestic and personal care services for some low-income residents and Californians with disabilities. It also avoids cuts to Planned Parenthood. 7 A family whose parens are illegal immigrants sign up for government assisted health care at the San Mateo Medical Center in San Mateo Calif. on Feb. 22, 2023. AP Environment Lawmakers agreed to let the state tap $1 billion from its cap-and-trade program to fund state firefighting efforts. The cap-and-trade program is a market-based system aimed at reducing carbon emissions. Companies have to buy credits to pollute, and that money goes into a fund lawmakers are supposed to tap for climate-related spending. Newsom wanted to reauthorize the program through 2045, with a guarantee that $1 billion would annually go to the state's long-delayed high-speed rail project. 7 The California State Capitol in Sacramento, Calif. on Aug. 5, 2024. AP The budget doesn't make that commitment, as lawmakers wanted to hash out spending plans outside of the budget process. The rail project currently receives 25% of the cap-and-trade proceeds, which is roughly $1 billion annually depending on the year. Legislative leaders also approved funding to help transition part-time firefighters into full-time positions. Many state firefighters only work nine months each year, which lawmakers said harms the state's ability to prevent and fight wildfires. The deal includes $10 million to increase the daily wage for incarcerated firefighters, who earn $5.80 to $10.24 a day currently. Public safety The budget agreement will provide $80 million to help implement a tough-on-crime initiative voters overwhelmingly approved last year. The measure makes shoplifting a felony for repeat offenders, increases penalties for some drug charges and gives judges the authority to order people with multiple drug charges into treatment. Most of the fund, $50 million, will help counties build more behavioral health beds. Probation officers will get $15 million for pre-trial services and courts will receive $20 million to support increased caseloads. Advocates of the measure — including sheriffs, district attorneys and probation officers — said that's not enough money. Some have estimated it would take around $400 million for the first year of the program. 7 A protester holds an American and Mexican flag outside the Federal Building in Los Angeles during a rally on June 6, 2025. AP Other priorities Newsom and lawmakers agreed to raise the state's film tax credit from $330 million to $750 million annually to boost Hollywood. The program, a priority for Newsom, will start this year and expire in 2030. The budget provides $10 million to help support immigration legal services, including deportation defense. But cities and counties won't see new funding to help them address homelessness next year, which local leaders said could lead to the loss of thousands of shelter beds. The budget also doesn't act on Newsom's proposal to streamline a project to create a massive underground tunnel to reroute a big part of the state's water supply.


USA Today
an hour ago
- USA Today
Trump's aggressive immigration crackdown is getting ICE agents hurt
New tactics are being met with rising public resistance and desperation from suspects facing ICE detention and deportation. Masked agents. Terrified suspects. Emotions running high as screaming crowds press in, cell phone cameras in hand. Amid surging immigration enforcement across the country, federal agents are being hurt and hospitalized as they make increasingly public – and risky – arrests of people they believe are undocumented. White House officials say there's been a 500% increase in assaults on agents, as President Donald Trump's massive deportation campaign ramps up. Administration officials say bold tactics are needed to repel what they call an "invasion" of immigrants. But policing experts say the aggressive approach is provoking unnecessarily dangerous encounters. In a recent incident in Nebraska, a female ICE agent was thrown to the ground and choked by an accused Tren de Aragua gang member who said he was formerly a Venezuelan soldier, according to court documents. The suspect escaped and was later captured with the help of local police. Bystander videos have captured agents wrestling suspects to the ground on crowded streets and chasing them through farm fields. One widely circulated video showed an agent grabbing a U.S. citizen by the neck in a Walmart parking lot as he resisted being taken; federal prosecutors have charged the man with assault after he allegedly punched an agent. "Just this week, an ICE officer was dragged 50 yards by a car while arresting an illegal alien sex offender," Tricia McLaughlin, Homeland Security Assistant Secretary, told USA TODAY. "Every day the men and women of ICE put their lives on the line to protect and defend the lives of American citizens." Trump, who has promised to deport 1 million immigrants this year, ordered U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents "to do all in their power to achieve the very important goal of delivering the single largest mass deportation program in history." In a June 15 social media post, he also said: "Every day, the brave men and women of ICE are subjected to violence, harassment and even threats from radical Democrat politicians, but nothing will stop us from executing our mission, and fulfilling our mandate to the American people." Art Del Cueto, the vice president of the National Border Patrol Council, said the union's 16,000 members welcome Trump's tough new approach to immigration enforcement. Detainees are increasingly fighting back, he said, because they know there's no escape: "That's why you're seeing attacks on agents." 'It's not about public safety anymore' But there's growing pushback from the public. Recent immigration sweeps in the Los Angeles area sparked widespread protests and small riots downtown, as people threw rocks at law enforcement and set patrol vehicles on fire, and federal agents responded with tear gas and pepper spray. In some cases, federal agents are getting into shoving matches with crowds trying to film or stop what they consider to be overzealous detentions, especially when the masked agents refuse to identify themselves. Policing experts say ICE agents are exacerbating tense situations with practices that many American police departments have largely disavowed. While there's little objection to detaining violent criminals, masked agents descending upon Home Depot parking lots to arrest day laborers and food vendors – most with no criminal record – sparks panic. "The aggressive police tactics being employed by the federal government are causing the issue," said longtime police supervisor Diane Goldstein, who now directs the Law Enforcement Action Partnership, which has spent decades working to develop trust between the public and police. "Their direction and their leadership is directly putting them in a horrific situation," she said. The ICE tactics on display are a dramatic departure from how cautiously ICE agents previously worked, said Jason Houser, a former Department of Homeland Security counterterrorism official. Houser is an Afghanistan combat veteran who was ICE chief of staff during the Biden administration. Previously, ICE agents prioritized serious criminal offenders for arrest, Houser said. A team of agents might work for days or weeks to surveil a single subject before making an arrest carefully timed to minimize risks to the public and to agents themselves. ICE agents are trained to "think about prioritization of public safety, risk and removability," he added. Internal Justice Department training programs stress that police agencies should focus on de-escalation whenever possible and avoid making arrests in public areas, especially when there's no imminent threat to public safety. "Now we have political quotas: 'Give me 3,000 arrests' (per day). And all gloves are off," Houser said. "It's not about public safety any more." Before Trump, assaults were on the decline An increase in assaults on officers and agents this year would reverse a three-year trend of declining incidents, according to internal Department of Homeland Security statistics. Despite millions of daily interactions with the public, it was rare for ICE, customs officers and Border Patrol agents to get attacked on the job. The agency logged 363 assault incidents in fiscal 2024, down from 474 incidents in fiscal 2023 and 524 in fiscal 2022, according to DHS data. U.S. Customs and Border Protection, which includes both customs officers and Border Patrol agents, has 45,000 law enforcement personnel and is the nation's largest law enforcement agency. Additionally, ICE has roughly 6,200 deportation agents on staff. White House officials declined to answer USA TODAY's questions about the numbers underlying the 500% increase in assaults, including the total number of injuries and their severity. It's also unclear how many additional federal agents have so far been re-assigned to immigration enforcement. Masked agents refusing to identify themselves In Huntington Park, Calif, authorities this week detained a man they said appeared to be pretending to be an ICE agent ‒ a situation they said was possible because real ICE agents are refusing to properly identify themselves as they aggressively detain people. Mayor Arturo Flores said the way ICE agents are acting does not present "the image of a just and lawful government." He said he can understand why people are angry and scared, especially knowing there are potential vigilantes and impersonators operating in the area. In response to the accused impersonator's arrest, Huntington Park leaders asked local police to verify the identity of any suspected ICE agents operating in the city. The suspect was found with multiple police radios, official-looking federal paperwork, flashing lights and a 9 mm handgun in his otherwise unmarked vehicle, according to city police. "When people cannot trust who is enforcing the law, public safety us undermines and fear begins to take hold," Flores said in a June 27 press conference. "What we are saying is simple: if you are acting with federal authority, show it. ID yourself Do not hide behind unmarked vehicles, facemasks and vague credentials." 'Someone's going to pull a gun' Underlying the tension between ICE and members of the public is a fundamental fact: ICE is arresting a record number of people who have no criminal record. An analysis by the Libertarian Cato Institute shows ICE is arresting four times more people with no criminal convictions or criminal charges per week now than the agency did during the same period in June 2017, when Trump was also president. "This is a radical tactical shift compared to Trump 1.0," David Bier, Cato director of immigration studies, in a post on X. ICE officials said they are responding to interference by the public. They say advocacy groups are stalking agents as they try to make arrests, putting the agents at risk and allowing their targets to escape. Federal agents testifying before a Senate committee on June 26 said that during a recent enforcement operation bystanders photographed an officer and posted the photo online with a threatening message. There's been a small but growing number of incidents, too, in which people called their local police department to report the presence of armed, masked men bundling community members into unmarked vehicles. ICE officials also often say that if hundreds of "sanctuary" jurisdictions around the country would hand over immigrants after they've completed a criminal sentence, that would reduce the need for agents to make risky, public arrests. But prior to Trump's enforcement ramp-up – about 70% of people arrested by ICE were transferred directly from the prison system into ICE custody, according to the nonprofit Freedom for Immigrants. Trump's new approach has pushed agents to make more arrests in the community at places like Home Depot. The push to meet a quota is driving agents toward raids and round-ups that expose them to greater risk in the field, says Goldstein. She worries that aggressive tactics combined with masks will eventually lead to a shootout. Twenty-eight states have "Stand Your Ground" laws that allow citizens to shoot if they feel threatened. "If you have masked people running out at you, someone's going to pull a gun out and someone's going to get hurt," she said. Trump's Homeland Security leadership appears to have no plans to back down. "Federal law enforcement is facing an ever-escalating increase in assaults," DHS posted to X, "but we will not be deterred."


The Hill
an hour ago
- The Hill
The Memo: SCOTUS clears the way for Trump – and for his successors
The Supreme Court's decision in a birthright citizenship case, handed down on Friday, has ramifications way beyond President Trump. The big, long-term impact is the granting of greater leeway to future presidents as well as to the current one. The power of the courts to curb actions emanating from the Oval Office has been significantly diluted. Whether that is a good or bad thing is in the eye of the beholder — refracted through the lens of party loyalties. For now, the decision is being celebrated by Republicans and lamented by Democrats. Those roles are nearly sure to reverse the next time a Democratic president moves into the White House. The high court did not, in fact, weigh in on the constitutionality of Trump's executive order to shift the definition of birthright citizenship. Trump wants to change the automatic assumption that people born in the United States are automatically American citizens, regardless of the immigration status of their parents. That push is framed by immigration hawks as a battle to thwart the concept of 'anchor babies' – infants born in the United States, allegedly in order to put their unauthorized-migrant parents effectively outside the reach of deportation efforts. But liberals argue the Trump effort is unconstitutional on its face, given the Fourteenth Amendment's apparently clear statement that, 'All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States.' Liberals also assert that the clause about 'jurisdiction' is largely beside the point where immigration is concerned, since unauthorized migrants are still subject to the laws of the United States while they reside within its borders. In any event, lower courts have found against the Trump administration on the question, the administration has appealed and it is likely that the specific question will end up before the justices yet again. But for now, the court by a 6-3 majority has circumscribed the ability of district courts to block a law or presidential action. The ruling was, in the end, akin to a party line vote, the six conservative justices – three of whom were nominated by Trump during his first term – outvoting the three liberals. Lower courts will no longer be able to issue a 'universal injunction' – that is, an injunction that bars enforcement of a presidential order nationwide. Instead, decisions in those district courts will only be binding upon the parties involved in each case. 'A universal injunction can be justified only as an exercise of equitable authority, yet Congress has granted federal courts no such power,' Justice Amy Coney Barrett wrote, delivering the majority opinion. Barrett also warned about those – including her colleague Justice Ketanj Brown Jackson – who she said would try to thwart an 'imperial presidency' by empowering an imperial judiciary instead. The new reality will be beneficial to the current president and his successors. But it could also be messy, given that it opens a up a vista in which presidential edicts are lawful in one set of states – presumably those whose ideological coloring is the same as that of the incumbent in the Oval Office – and unlawful in the rest, at least until the Supreme Court settles the matter. Trump, who made a hastily convened appearance in the White House briefing room after the ruling was announced, contended that the court had delivered 'a monumental victory for the constitution, the separation of powers and the rule of law.' It was, to be sure, a major win at the nexus of politics and jurisprudence for Trump and his allies. The president and key aides like Stephen Miller have repeatedly assailed judges who ruled against them as exceeding their legitimate powers and even engaging in a 'judicial coup.' Justice Sonia Sotomayor, who wrote the main dissenting opinion, objected in strenuous terms, saying that her minority position was spurred by her desire to 'not be complicit in so grave an attack on our system of law.' 'No right is safe in the new legal regime the Court creates,' Sotomayor wrote. 'Today, the threat is to birthright citizenship. Tomorrow, a different administration may try to seize firearms from law-abiding citizens or prevent people of certain faiths from gathering to worship.' Sotomayor also issued a bleak warning about the way in which such an expansive view of executive power could be used in the future to hollow out the rights that had been previously enjoyed – just as the doctrine of birthright citizenship had been seen as settled law until relatively recently. The liberal justice, nominated to the high court by President Obama, was also far more willing than her conservative colleagues to engage with the merits of the arguments over birthright citizenship. She alleged that the focus on universal injunctions amounted merely to the Trump administration playing a 'different game' because it had no realistic chance of making its more limited interpretation of birthright citizenship work. On the latter point, she wrote, Trump had 'an impossible task in light of the Constitution's text, history, this Court's precedents, federal law, and Executive Branch practice.' On the bigger question of how the legal processes will now work, some worries were voiced even by one of the conservative judges who concurred in the ruling, Justice Brett Kavanaugh. Referring to the period where different court orders could hold sway in different parts of the nation, Kavanaugh argued that 'there often (perhaps not always, but often) should be a nationally uniform answer on whether a major new federal statute, rule, or executive order can be enforced throughout the United States during the several-year interim period until its legality is finally decided on the merits.' He added: 'It is not especially workable or sustainable or desirable to have a patchwork scheme, potentially for several years, in which a major new federal statute or executive action of that kind applies to some people or organizations in certain States or regions, but not to others.' Such concerns are the thorniest questions to emerge from Friday's decision. The Memo is a reported column by Niall Stanage.