Trump Admin Proposes Rolling Back Coal Mining Safety Protections
Photo by Curtis Wainscott/FPG/On June 12th, the U.S. Department of the Interior's Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement announced a proposal to roll back federal guidelines to investigate reports of potential workplace dangers in mines.
Mining remains a dangerous occupation for American workers. In 2023, forty people died in mining-related workplace incidents in the United States. Nine of these fatalities were connected to coal mines. Even after a miner retires, he or she may struggle with chronic health issues like black lung, COPD, and lung cancer.
Last year, the Department of the Interior amended their policies to require prompt inspections of mining safety concerns are reported. In the past, many miners continued to work for weeks in dangerous conditions even after they had reported hazards or safety violations. Miners or environmentalists reported that some state officials seemed to shrug off reported workplace or pollution violations. Since mining safety investigations were largely left to the states to oversee, citizens who filed complaints were left with little recourse when reports stalled or went unaddressed.
In 2024, the Ten-Day Notice rule was amended. Currently, if a state authority fails to promptly address reported safety concerns, OSMRE can initiate a federal investigation. The Ten-Day Notice Rule requires the Office of Surface Mining Reclamation and Enforcement (OSMRE) to inform a state regulatory authority about violations of work permits, safety regulations, or other potentially dangerous issues in mining facilities. Then, the state regulatory authority has ten days to respond to the potential violation. The 2024 additions to the Ten-Day Notice Rule aim to hold state officials and mining companies accountable when they are expected to address potential workplace dangers.
Adam G. Suess, Acting Assistant Secretary for Land and Minerals Management, argued that the 2024 amendment created unnecessary restrictions for state officials. "We're cutting red tape, restoring clarity and respecting states' right to lead. Federal oversight doesn't mean federal interference,' Suess said in the June 12th proposal to restrict the Ten-Day Notice Rule.
Suess is not the only person who has critiqued the addition of federal inspections to the Ten-Day Notice Rule. In 2024, fourteen attorneys general sued the OSMRE in an attempt to reign in the new safety and reporting guidelines.
However, advocates believe that the additions to the Ten-Day Notice Rule save lives and protect the environment. Bonnie Swinford is the Beyond Coal campaign strategist at the Sierra Club. 'Without the Ten Day Notice Rule, toxic spills will fester, dangerous mines will go unrepaired, and at the end of the day, the coal companies responsible will get to wipe their hands and walk away from the messes they created," Swinford said in a press release published in Appalachian Voices.
Appalachian coal miners encounter some of the highest levels of injuries and fatalities. Willie Dodson, the Appalachian Voices Coal Impacts Program Manager, echoed Swinford's concerns. 'This rule, in more or less its current form, has helped residents of coal mining communities ensure that their corporate neighbors do not pollute the air and water,' said Dodson. 'The administration's rewrite of this rule will do nothing but eliminate protections for everyday people in order to benefit those who profit from destructive, polluting, reckless coal mining practices.'
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USA Today
33 minutes ago
- USA Today
American students reveal how they fled the Israel-Iran war
They left with excitement to visit a new country, connect with their Jewish identity and gain first-hand knowledge about one of the world's most storied regions. They left with memories of air raid sirens and bomb shelters. After Israel's surprise attack on Iran earlier this month, young Americans on study abroad programs and birthright trips to Israel made harrowing escapes back to the U.S. as the two countries traded missiles and the American military directly entered the conflict, bombing three Iranian nuclear sites. The thousands of escapees included 17 high schoolers from Arizona who huddled in bomb shelters before boarding a cruise ship to the Mediterranean island of Cyprus. A dozen Florida State University students studying geopolitics in the Middle East fled to Israel's mountainous Dead Sea region and crossed into Jordan. "It was a fear that I have never felt before," Aidan Fishkind, who was in Israel for a two-month birthright and internship program, told USA TODAY. "We had a missile land two miles from our hostel." The conflict, which has calmed under a delicate ceasefire, came during Israel's busiest tourism season – when birthright trips and programs affiliated with American universities were in full swing. According to the Birthright Israel Foundation, a nonprofit that sponsors young people to visit Israel, the group safely evacuated approximately 2,800 young adults from the country – many of them aboard a luxury cruise ship. The nonprofit canceled its scheduled programs through July 10, according to its website. Meanwhile, the spiraling war also sent Americans in Iran looking for a safe place to wait out Israeli bombardments. Hundreds of Americans fled the country as the conflict escalated, according to an internal State Department cable seen by Reuters last week. More: Iran-Israel conflict leaves Iranian Americans feeling helpless, hopeless 'I was scared for my life' Fishkind, of Detroit, Michigan, arrived in Israel on June 3 for what was to be a two-month trip where he'd intern in the marketing department at the Jaffa Institute, a nonprofit based in Tel Aviv. But a little after his first week, the war broke out and left him and his fellow students scrambling for safety. He recalled the first night after Israel launched its attack on Iranian nuclear sites and Iran responded with a barrage of missiles. He and his group of Detroit-area students received phone alerts about incoming rocket fire and rushed into rooms and stairwells designated "safe zones." Throughout the night, he heard deep dooms that shook the building. He considered whether the rumbles were the sound of Israel's air defense system intercepting rockets or Iranian missiles landing in the city. It was both, he would later learn. "I was scared for my life," he said. In Detroit, his mother, Jennifer Fishkind, booked him multiple flights back home. But one-by-one each flight was canceled as Israeli officials closed the country's airspace. "You just feel helpless being thousands of miles away," she said. "We kept telling him 'You're going to be OK. You're going to be OK.'" The next day, Fishkind and his group left for the Dead Sea region in the south, which was considered much safer than Tel Aviv. There, Fishkind stayed in a hotel and met scores of other students from across the U.S. and Canada. After almost a week, he boarded a cruise ship to Cyprus. Once on the island, he immediately got on a flight to Rome and, eventually, Detroit. Fishkind, who is preparing for his junior year at Elon University in North Carolina, said being back home has been an adjustment. The memories of the sirens and the night he spent sheltering from missiles will take time to process, he said. "When I got back home and laid in bed, I kept thinking 'Did that actually happen?'" Tallahassee student recounts memories of sirens and bunkers Madeline King traveled to Israel with a group of over 20 Florida State University students as part of a mission trip to examine and study the Israel-Gaza conflict. It was organized by FSU's Hillel, the university's largest Jewish campus organization. The group was set to leave Israel and return to Florida on Saturday, June 14 – the day after the Israeli military attacked Iran's nuclear program. The unrest left them temporarily stranded in Tel Aviv, which had become a target of Iranian missiles. "We would hear sirens through the night ... and at every time we would find ourselves going down to the bunkers," King told the Tallahassee Democrat, part of the USA TODAY Network. Like Fishkind, her group headed to the Dead Sea region near the West Bank. They then crossed into Jordan, where they boarded a flight bound for Cyprus. There, King and hundreds of others got on flights to Florida in an operation coordinated with the state's Division of Emergency Management agency. In all, more than 1,400 state residents have been evacuated from Israel by plane and passenger ferry, Florida state officials said last week. A tearful reunion The group of 17 high school students from Arizona arrived in Israel on June 4 and traveled through the country for a week, learning Jewish religious traditions and the culture and history of Israel. Like their fellow American students, the group soon discovered they couldn't leave by plane as they had originally intended. 'It is such a helpless, scary feeling to have your child thousands of miles away going into a bomb shelter multiple times a day as warning sirens ring out and missiles approach Israel,' Brett Kurland, a parent to one of the Arizona students, said in a statement, according to the Arizona Republic, part of the USA TODAY Network. With the help of Arizona Sens. Ruben Gallego and Mark Kelly, the students managed to get on a luxury cruise ship departing for Cyprus. After an 18-hour voyage they made it to the island and then flew back to the U.S. Scores of families waited for the students at Phoenix Sky Harbor International Airport on June 25. Some stood anxiously with homemade signs while others held flowers and balloons. When the students emerged from the jet bridge, the families cheered and embraced their loved ones in a tearful reunion. Similar scenes unfolded at international airports across the U.S. In Michigan, Jennifer Fishkind and a group of parents embraced their children as they descended from their plane at Detroit Metropolitan Wayne County Airport. "After all that, you're just waiting to get your arms around them," Fishkind said. "It was the best feeling."
Chicago Tribune
38 minutes ago
- Chicago Tribune
Faith leaders: We cannot be silent about what is happening in America
'Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.' These words, which fill a popular meme set against the profile of the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., occupy our thoughts. We fear that day is arriving on American shores along with nothing short of an onslaught against our basic human rights. While the boldest headlines tell how people are literally snatched off the streets, are being disappeared to foreign prisons, news that often receives less attention reveals that our civil liberties are also being snatched up, one by one. In Selma, Alabama, a day after Bloody Sunday in 1965, a brutal assault by local law enforcement on nonviolent marchers, King spoke about the need to raise our voices: 'Deep down in our nonviolent creed is the conviction there are some things so dear, some things so precious, some things so eternally true, that they're worth dying for.' There are so very many precious things under attack in this American moment; consider the bronze bust of King that the president recently had removed from the Oval Office. Eerily reminiscent of that time 60 years ago, many of these attacks are being coordinated by those in charge of the purported enforcement of the law. As much as this is a time of existential concern, it is also a great — and we believe mandatory — opportunity to stand up for that which is right. But first, we must understand the severity of all that is wrong. To begin with, the very due process of law is under attack. We are witnessing expedited deportations — including those of children who are U.S. citizens — along with the intentional bypassing of immigration courts paired with limiting access to legal counsel. U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents are unlawfully detaining citizens, notably including California U.S. Sen. Alex Padilla. Chicago police officers have reportedly aided ICE officers, in violation of Chicago statute, a move that is prompting further investigation. Furthermore, ICE agents are widely wearing masks and refusing to identify themselves, a likely violation of our Fourth Amendment right against unreasonable search and seizure. Violations of habeas corpus aside — that's how this administration functions, it seems — the rule of law in general is under attack. The attacks on law firms and lawyers, even as Chicago's own Jenner & Block bravely resists, has nonetheless led to other firms with major offices in our city simply capitulating out of avarice or cowardice. Such 'comply in advance' legal actions line up in complicity with an administration that is disregarding court orders, threatening the impeachment of judges, and eroding the checks and balances of an independent judiciary. Our fundamental freedom of speech is also experiencing sustained assault. Travelers' social media feeds are subject to inspection at the border, and students coming the U.S. to study are having their feeds examined for ominous (and vague) 'indications of hostility.' Protesters in Los Angeles — who overwhelmingly were demonstrating peacefully — compelled the federal administration to deploy the National Guard against the advice of the governor and then mobilized the Marines to police citizens. Furthermore, there is a sustained effort to undermine the freedom of the press by targeting journalists, suing media outlets, pulling funding and even politicizing the White House press pool. LGBTQ+ rights are under assault, and Black and Latino communities — along with other minorities — are being further marginalized through sustained attacks on education inclusion, all in the land of 'e pluribus unum.' Given this state of affairs, it should not be surprising that objective measurements of freedom and democracy in the United States have eroded since January. Three months ago, the United States was added to the Civicus Monitor watchlist, which identifies countries that the global watchdog believes are experiencing a rapid decline in civic freedoms. We are not deluded: What we see is what is happening. And listing this doesn't capture the sheer violation of humanity: ripping babies away from their mothers, damaging trans kids by denying them access to medical care, and abetting food apartheid by working to eliminate Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program benefits. That is why we cannot be silent. These things — human rights, civil liberties, basic human dignity — matter. In preparing this essay, we learned that King never precisely said: 'Our lives begin to end the day we become silent about things that matter.' Although that was his message, his actual words are even more profound and challenging: 'A man dies when he refuses to stand up for that which is right. A man dies when he refuses to stand up for justice. A man dies when he refuses to take a stand for that which is true. 'So we're going to stand up amid horses. We're going to stand up right here in Alabama, amid the billy clubs. We're going to stand up right here in Alabama amid police dogs, if they have them. We're going to stand up amid tear gas! We're going to stand up amid anything they can muster up, letting the world know that we are determined to be free!' So should we stand up, amid ICE agents and Marines. Committed to nonviolence, dedicated to the proposition that we must love our neighbor as we love ourselves, we're going to stand up right here in Chicago, amid even billy clubs and dogs and tear gas. We are going to stand up amid anything they can muster, letting the world know we are determined to be free. Join us. Chicago faith leaders Rabbi Seth Limmer, the Rev. Otis Moss III, the Rev. Ciera Bates-Chamberlain and the Rev. Michael Pfleger joined the Tribune's opinion section in summer 2022 for a series of columns on potential solutions to Chicago's chronic gun violence problem. The column continues on an occasional basis.
Atlantic
40 minutes ago
- Atlantic
Trump's One-and-Done Approach to Military Force
Weeks before he ended his first term, in December 2020, President Donald Trump was outraged that leaders in Tehran had announced plans to accelerate its nuclear program. He had a simple question: Why don't we just bomb Iran? His advisers walked him through the options but cautioned that such an operation would likely result in the downing of American planes and the start of a regional war. Trump dropped the idea. 'He didn't want to leave a shit sandwich for his successor,' a former official told us. 'He also recognized it wasn't time yet.' Last weekend, with Iranian defenses worn to a nub by days of Israeli attacks, the time finally came. The surprise assault by B-2 bombers, which dropped 30,000-pound 'bunker-buster' bombs onto underground enrichment facilities, marked the most dramatic military action that Trump has ordered in either of his terms as president. The attack showed how Trump's attitudes toward the use of force have evolved as he has grown more confident in his instincts as commander in chief and surrounded himself with advisers disinclined to challenge him. But it also reflected what hasn't changed: Trump is willing to embrace serious risk in approving military operations, so long as it's in a discrete burst rather than a sustained campaign. The president described the weekend bombing as a one-off that 'obliterated' Iran's nuclear program, not the start of a larger war. If any Trump doctrine for military action does exist, it is perhaps best understood as the One-and-Done Doctrine. 'Trump likes to think he can fire a bullet and leave the O.K. Corral, that the first move is decisive and the end of activity,' Kori Schake, the director of defense and foreign-policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute and a contributing writer at The Atlantic, told us. It's not clear, however, that one attack will be enough. Assessments of the operation's impact on Iran's nuclear capability are divided, and Tehran is already vowing to push ahead, suggesting that additional U.S. action may be required if a diplomatic solution isn't reached. During his first term, Trump railed against the 'endless' and 'forever wars' he had inherited, clashing repeatedly with his top security advisers as he sought to end counterinsurgent missions and pull troops from allied nations as part of his 'America First' agenda. He also demonstrated willingness to deploy military force at significant moments, lobbing cruise missiles at Syria after chemical-weapons attacks, intensifying the air campaign against the Islamic State, and authorizing high-stakes operations such as the commando raid targeting ISIS boss Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi and the drone strike killing Iranian military leader Qassem Soleimani. Trump took office in 2017 boasting that he knew better than 'the generals.' But just days into the job, the first military operation he authorized—a hostage-recovery raid in Yemen—went badly awry: A Navy SEAL and numerous civilians were killed, and a $70 million aircraft was destroyed. Other ventures were more successful: Trump oversaw a surge in progress in the campaign against ISIS, which began under President Barack Obama, as U.S. war planes beat back the militants in Syria. But when the advances slowed, Trump began to push for an end to the American presence—much to the chagrin of his military advisers. The turn revealed Trump's discomfort with sustained campaigns that didn't show measurable results, or that carried any whiff of a quagmire. In Afghanistan, the president pressed for a negotiated exit after the initial surge in military action he authorized—including the bombing of drug labs and the use of an explosive dubbed the 'Mother of All Bombs'—failed to yield decisive results. All the while, Trump was feuding with some of his closest military aides. Jim Mattis, the Marine general who served as Trump's first defense secretary, resigned in protest in 2018 after having attempted to block what he viewed as dangerous actions by the president. Mattis even defied demands from then–National Security Adviser H. R. McMaster for the Pentagon to send options for striking Iran. Trump also railed against historic arrangements he believed exploited American generosity, including U.S. support for NATO and the presence of American troops in places such as Germany and South Korea. One outside adviser said that characterizing Trump as an isolationist misses the mark. 'He has a pretty well-established history of dramatic short bursts of kinetic action, but not sustained military involvement in things,' the adviser told us. He suggested a precedent in President Andrew Jackson, who embraced nationalism and economically motivated expansionism for 19th-century America. Trump 'doesn't have an ideology, but if you had to try to sum it up, it's more Jacksonian than isolationist or anti-interventionist,' the adviser told us. Many of the president's advisers told us they believe that his blunt, tough-guy talk and his unpredictable tendencies—akin to Richard Nixon's 'madman theory'—have been effective in establishing deterrence with foreign adversaries. But Trump's volatility has also at times frustrated his own advisers. In 2019, he made an eleventh-hour decision to call off a planned retaliatory strike on Iranian missile batteries in response to the country's downing of a large U.S. drone over the Strait of Hormuz. The decision was based on an estimate of potential casualties on the ground in Iran that one military official said was wildly inaccurate. Then–National Security Adviser John Bolton and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo were aghast at the choice to call off the strike, which they believed was proportionate and would deter future attacks. 'He's capable of changing his mind right up until the very end, and when he's finally decided that the decision has been carried out and he can't reverse it, it's very stressful for him,' Bolton told us. He said the recent Iran strikes tracked with the president's preference for stand-alone, epic actions: 'It fits with his short attention span, and it fits with the fact he doesn't have a philosophy; he doesn't have a grand strategy.' When Bolton worked in the first Trump administration, he was frequently at odds with the president. This time around, Trump has few people questioning his calls. Even those who are leery of foreign entanglement have fallen in line to support the strikes. Vice President J. D. Vance, for instance, has led the charge in recent days in messaging that the Iran operation was not about regime change, but rather the more narrow goal of debilitating the country's nuclear program. Vance is 'going to be supportive of whatever the president wants to do, and there's never going to be any daylight between the two of them, even privately,' the outside adviser told us. Marco Rubio, now serving as secretary of state and national security adviser, has been 'very deferential' to Trump, the adviser added. CIA Director John Ratcliffe, meanwhile, has kept to his position's traditional lane, laying out the intelligence but not pushing any particular policy actions. 'If he is putting his thumb on the scale one way or the other, then people aren't going to trust his intelligence,' the adviser told us. The White House is adamant both that Trump gets the advice he needs and that he never gets his decisions wrong. 'President Trump has assembled a talented, world-class team who evaluate all angles of any given issue to provide the President a fulsome view,' White House Deputy Press Secretary Anna Kelly wrote to us in an emailed statement. 'Ultimately, the President evaluates all options and makes the decision he feels is best for the country—and he has been proven right about everything time and again.' Retired General Frank McKenzie, who commanded U.S. forces in the Middle East when Trump targeted Soleimani, noted that the most dire possible scenarios following the Soleimani strike and after those on the nuclear sites haven't borne out—at least so far. That may be because, in his view, Trump has accrued more credibility than other American presidents when it comes to threatening Iran. 'He's got a verifiable, auditable trail. He struck Iran twice; no other American president has done that,' McKenzie told us. Trump's Iran operation marked an unexpected deviation from what has been his administration's second-term focus on negotiations. Trump has said he wants diplomatic deals that not only halt Iran's nuclear ambitions but also end the wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and beyond. Now Trump may have more leverage in those talks. 'This guy really wanted a negotiation, and now he's done his one-and-done, and he wants to go back to negotiations,' Ian Bremmer, who leads the consultancy and research firm Eurasia Group, told us. One of Trump's more curious moves since returning to office was his decision to authorize a weeks-long air campaign against Houthi rebels in Yemen. The Biden administration had occasionally struck military targets in Yemen but had judged that the Houthis were unlikely to drop their tactic of attacking commercial and naval vessels, no matter what kind of military beating they received. Trump abruptly halted the campaign and declared victory in May, even though the Houthis retain significant military capability and vowed to continue their assaults on Israel. But Trump had moved on. That may not be so easy if Iran resumes its nuclear activity or continues to support proxy militant groups throughout the Middle East. 'You're going to have a hard time ignoring Iran,' the former official told us, 'and it's going to be much harder to change the subject.'
