
Questions swell in Eswatini over five men deported from US
The five, nationals of Vietnam, Laos, Yemen, Cuba and Jamaica, were flown to Eswatini's administrative capital of Mbabane on July 16 on a US military plane and incarcerated after US authorities labelled them 'criminal illegal aliens.'
The US Department of Homeland Security said the men were convicted of violent crimes 'so uniquely barbaric that their home countries refused to take them back.'
The government of Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, has confirmed their presence.
But spokesman Thabile Mdluli said they would not stay permanently, and 'will be repatriated in due course to their different countries.'
That assurance, though, has not quelled a tide of questions and concerns that has risen within the kingdom about the operation.
Civic and rights groups are wondering whether further deportees from the United States will arrive, and what rights the five men detained have.
Public outrage at the lack of transparency led to 150 women protesting outside the US embassy in Mbabane on Friday.
The protest, organized by the Eswatini Women's Movement, demanded the prisoners be returned to the United States and queried the legal basis Eswatini relied on to accept them.
The five men are being held in the Matsapha Correctional Center, 30 kilometers (20 miles) south of Mbabane.
The facility, notorious for holding political prisoners and overcrowding, has been undergoing renovations and expansions since 2018, reportedly funded by the United States as part of a program covering all 14 of the country's penal centers.
Sources within the penitentiary administration said the men were being held in solitary confinement in a high-security section of the facility, with their requests to make phone calls being denied.
The sources said the men have access to medical care and the same meals as the thousand other inmates, as well as a toilet, shower and television in their cells.
Prime Minister Russell Dlamini has dismissed calls by lawmakers and from other quarters for the secrecy surrounding the agreement with Washington to be lifted.
'Not every decision or agreement is supposed to be publicly shared,' he said.
Eswatini is the second African country to receive such deportees from the United States, after South Sudan earlier this month accepted eight individuals.
The situation has sparked concerns about the potential implications for Eswatini, a country already grappling with its own challenges under the absolute monarchy of King Mswati III.
The 57-year-old ruler has been criticized for his lavish lifestyle and has faced accusations of human rights violations.
US President Donald Trump has used the threat of high tariffs against other countries, such as Colombia, to coerce them to take in people deported from America.
Eswatini is currently facing a baseline US tariff of 10 percent — less than the 30 percent levelled at neighboring South Africa — which the government has said will negatively impact the economy.
Trump has directed federal agencies to work hard on his campaign promise to expel millions of undocumented migrants from the United States.
His government has turned to so-called third-country deportations in cases where the home nations of some of those targeted for removal refuse to accept them.
Rights experts have warned the US deportations risk breaking international law by sending people to nations where they face the risk of torture, abduction and other abuses.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
21 hours ago
- Arab News
Africa's debt crisis demands self-reliant solutions
The much-discussed Jubilee Report, emerging from expert deliberations commissioned by the Vatican, diagnoses the acute debt distress strangling developing economies, particularly in Africa, with commendable clarity. It presents a familiar litany of systemic failures: pro-cyclical capital flows, creditor-friendly legal architectures in New York and London, the inadequacy of debt sustainability analyses, and the perverse incentives perpetuated by international financial institutions. Its prescriptions, including a new heavily indebted poor countries initiative, legal reforms to curb predatory litigation, shifts toward 'growth-oriented austerity,' and massive increases in multilateral financing, echo decades of expert consensus. Yet, a fundamental flaw remains. The report's prescriptions rely on coordinated global goodwill and structural reform that is demonstrably absent in today's fragmented world. For Africa, where public debt has outpaced national economic growth since 2013, and home to 751 million people in countries spending more on servicing external debt than on education or health — waiting for this global consensus is not strategy; it is surrender. The report's morally resonant idealism dangerously underestimates the entrenched hostility to meaningful concessions benefiting African economies and overlooks the imperative for radical, self-reliant solutions. Consider the sheer scale of the crisis versus the proposed global fixes. A total of 54 developing countries now allocate over 10 percent of public revenues merely to interest payments. In Africa, this fiscal hemorrhage directly competes with existential needs: costly climate adaptation for countries contributing minimally to emissions, yet facing devastating impacts, and investment in a youth population projected to reach 35 percent of the global total by 2050. The report rightly condemns the injustice, historical and ongoing, embedded in this dynamic. However, its central remedy, a heavily indebted poor countries initiative, requires unprecedented cooperation from diverse and often adversarial creditor blocs: traditional Paris Club members; newer bilateral lenders such as China; and, crucially, private bondholders who now dominate over 40 percent of low and lower-middle income country external debt. Regardless, historical precedent does not inspire confidence. A predecessor heavily indebted poor countries initiative, while delivering relief, failed to prevent recurrence precisely because it did not alter the fundamental dynamics or the structure of global finance. Why expect a sequel, demanding even greater concessions from powerful financial interests operating within unreformed legal jurisdictions, to succeed now? The Common Framework, hailed as progress, has delivered negligible relief precisely due to creditor discord and obstructionism. Betting Africa's future on such actors suddenly developing a collective conscience is not realism; it is negligence. Additionally, the report's reliance on international financial institutions as engines of reform and finance is equally problematic. It calls for an end to International Monetary Fund bailouts of private creditors; lower surcharges; massive SDR, or Special Drawing Right, reallocations; and transformed multilateral development bank lending models. Yet, the governance structures of these institutions remain frozen in mid-20th-century power dynamics that remain heavily skewed against African representation and influence. For instance, securing a $650 billion SDR allocation during the pandemic proved a herculean task; achieving the regular, larger, and equitably distributed issuances the report envisions, given rising fiscal nationalism and escalating geopolitical rivalries, seems quixotic. Moreover, the notion that these same institutions, historically enforcers of austerity and guardians of creditor interests, can reinvent themselves as champions of unconditional, mission-driven finance for African transformation ignores their institutional DNA and the political constraints imposed by their major shareholders. Meanwhile, the call for MDBs to lend massively in local currencies, while technically sound for reducing exchange rate risk, faces fierce resistance from bond markets and rating agencies wary of currency volatility, effectively limiting its scale without improbable capital increases. Furthermore, the report's focus on grand interventions, from debt buyback funds and global climate funds to international bankruptcy courts, fails to grapple with the toxic geopolitical environment. Historical prejudices framing African governance as inherently corrupt or incapable, combined with rising great power competition, actively work against complex cooperative frameworks perceived as primarily benefiting African countries. Solutions built on African agency, regional cohesion, and financial self-reliance offer a more realistic path out of the debt trap. Hafed Al-Ghwell In addition, resources for global funds are notoriously scarce and fiercely contested; establishing new international legal architectures faces veto points at every turn. The current global context is not merely indifferent to African debt distress; elements within it are actively hostile to solutions requiring hefty financial transfers or perceived concessions of leverage. Waiting for this hostility to abate condemns Africa to prolonged debt traps, draining precious reserves crucial for the continent's 1.4 billion people and, ultimately, global stability. The path forward, therefore, demands a harsh pivot toward solutions Africa controls, minimizing reliance on external mobilization vulnerable to global whims. This is not isolationism but pragmatic self-preservation. It requires, for instance, aggressively developing domestic capital markets. Africa's savings, estimated in the trillions of dollars collectively, are often parked in low-yield advanced economy assets or leave the continent entirely. Redirecting these resources requires efforts to deepen local bond markets, strengthen regulatory frameworks, and incentivize institutional investors to allocate capital locally. Second, the report mentions implementing strategic capital account regulations, but underplays their centrality. African countries must actively deploy tools, from reserve requirements to taxes on short-term inflows and prudential limits on foreign currency exposure, to break the pro-cyclical boom-bust cycle of capital flows. This shields fiscal space and reduces vulnerability to the monetary policy shocks emanating from advanced economies. It is a tool of sovereignty, not retreat. Third, strengthening mechanisms such as the African Monetary Fund and expanding regional swap arrangements is critical for building robust regional financial safety nets. Pooling reserves and establishing regional payment systems, thereby reducing dollar dependency for intra-African trade, can provide vital liquidity during crises without the conditionalities of the IMF. This demands unprecedented political will for regional integration and also offers a tangible buffer against global volatility. Fourth, every new infrastructure project financed in dollars increases future vulnerability. Negotiating harder for local currency loans from remaining bilateral partners and MDBs, even at marginally higher initial rates, is essential. Simultaneously, investing in credible monetary policy frameworks is nonnegotiable to sustain this approach. Lastly, transparency and robust domestic oversight of borrowing, including contingent liabilities from public-private partnerships, are vital to prevent repeating past mistakes. Building domestic technical capacity for sophisticated debt sustainability analyses, independent of existing models often blind to climate vulnerability, strengthens negotiation positions. Ultimately, the diagnoses are accurate — there is no argument there. However, the prescribed medicine is simply a dose the global pharmacy refuses to dispense. Africa's debt crisis, crippling distressed countries and suffocating the futures of 288 million people in extreme poverty, cannot await a global kumbaya moment. The moral imperative remains, but the strategic response must shift. Solutions built on African agency, regional cohesion, and financial self-reliance, however difficult, offer a more realistic, and ultimately, more dignified path out of the debt trap than persistent reliance on a system structurally biased against the continent's development.


Asharq Al-Awsat
a day ago
- Asharq Al-Awsat
Suez Canal Chief: No Fee Exemptions, Even for US Ships
The head of Egypt's Suez Canal Authority (SCA) has dismissed US President Donald Trump's call to allow American ships to transit the vital waterway for free, insisting that Egypt remains committed to international treaties that prohibit preferential treatment. Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, SCA Chairman Osama Rabie said Egypt 'respects international maritime conventions,' referencing the 1888 Constantinople Convention, which guarantees free navigation through the canal under equal terms for all nations. 'There can be no distinction between ships in terms of services or commercial and financial preferences that favor one country over another,' Rabie said. 'This is not a stance against the United States, but rather a reflection of Egypt's commitment to impartiality — a principle that assures all nations of fair treatment.' Trump, who is seeking a return to the White House in November, argued in an April post on his Truth Social platform that US military and commercial vessels should be granted free access to both the Suez and Panama Canals. 'These canals wouldn't exist without the United States,' he wrote. The Suez Canal, a key source of foreign currency for Egypt, has suffered a sharp downturn in revenue and traffic since Yemen's Iran-aligned Houthi group began targeting ships in the Red Sea in late 2023, prompting many shipping lines to reroute via the longer and costlier Cape of Good Hope. 'We're facing a major crisis,' Rabie said, noting that daily transits have dropped to 30–35 vessels from more than 65 a day before the escalation. Annual canal revenue plunged 61% to $3.9 billion in the first half of 2024, down from $10.2 billion in 2023, Rabie added. A total of 13,213 ships passed through the canal in 2024, compared to 26,434 in 2023, before the outbreak of war in Gaza. Despite mounting pressure to safeguard maritime routes, Egypt has refused to join any military coalition targeting the Houthis. 'It is not Egypt's policy to engage in military alliances or attack an Arab country — after all, Yemen is a fellow Arab state,' Rabie said. Since November, the Houthis have carried out more than 150 missile and drone attacks on vessels they say are linked to Israel, in retaliation for the war in Gaza. The assaults have sunk four ships, damaged several others, and killed at least 10 seafarers. The Iran-backed group also hijacked the Galaxy Leader vessel in a high-profile act of piracy. In April, a US-led operation launched in December 2023 under the name 'Operation Prosperity Guardian' began leading strikes on Houthi targets from the northern Red Sea. Egypt declined to join both that initiative and Trump's earlier campaign, 'Operation Rough Rider,' unveiled in March. Rabie expressed frustration at the ongoing war in Gaza, warning that continued violence would prolong the canal's downturn. 'A few months ago, traffic showed slight improvement following a ceasefire, but then the Houthis resumed attacks — hitting two ships in the past fortnight alone,' he said. 'Now, with conditions in Gaza deteriorating, our situation is worsening as well.' On Monday, the Houthis declared a 'fourth phase' of their maritime blockade against Israel, vowing to target all ships linked to Israeli ports 'regardless of their nationality or destination.' Still, Rabie remains optimistic that shipping through the Suez Canal will rebound once the war ends. 'If the fighting stops, the Houthis will have no justification to attack vessels in the Red Sea. We're hopeful that peace comes soon,' he said. 'Major ships have diverted to the Cape of Good Hope because it's currently safer, despite the higher costs and longer transit times,' he added. 'They've told us they'll return as soon as the war ends because no alternative can match the Suez Canal's advantages. Global shipping firms know this.' Rabie urged international insurance companies to reduce premiums for vessels transiting the Red Sea, arguing that soaring insurance costs have contributed to the diversion of large ships away from the canal. 'Today, the total cost of passing through the Red Sea — including insurance — has exceeded the cost of the longer Cape route, driving many vessels to abandon the canal despite the longer journey,' he said. To lure shipping traffic back, Egypt has introduced incentives, including up to 15% discounts on transit fees for container ships weighing 130,000 tons or more, whether laden or empty. 'We're doing all we can,' Rabie said. 'But until the security situation stabilizes, we're facing an uphill battle.'


Arab News
2 days ago
- Arab News
Angola unrest death toll rises to 30
The police did not say what caused the deaths but civil society groups and opposition parties blamed the security forcesLourenco said 'law enforcement acted within the framework of their obligations and therefore the order was promptly restored'LUANDA: Angolan President Joao Lourenco praised security forces Friday for quelling unrest that claimed 30 lives over two days but rights groups accused them of killing 'defenseless people.'Dozens of shops and warehouses in Luanda were looted and vehicles attacked on Monday and Tuesday when a strike against a fuel price hike descended into some of the worst violence in the oil-rich country in unrest spread to several provinces and police said that by late Thursday they had confirmed 30 deaths, including of a police officer, with more than 270 people injured, among them 10 members of the defense and security police did not say what caused the deaths but civil society groups and opposition parties blamed the security forces, who are regularly accused of using excessive force against his first public comment on the situation, Lourenco said 'law enforcement acted within the framework of their obligations and therefore the order was promptly restored.''We send our thanks to the law enforcement, the justice authorities, the health professionals...,' he than 1,500 people were arrested, 118 businesses vandalized and 24 public buses attacked, according to police.'We strongly condemn such criminal acts, we regret the loss of human lives...,' the president said, announcing the government would help looted businesses to replenish their from the MPLA party in power since independence from Portugal in 1975, made no mention of the July 1 hike in heavily subsidised fuel prices that has led to a series of demonstrations in a country with a high level of poverty despite its vast oil state is 'doing its best' to address Angola's social problems, he said, citing investments in health, education, housing and job and civic groups also condemned the vandalism but accused security forces of using excessive looting reflects 'the hunger and extreme poverty affecting the majority of Angolans,' said the Human Rights Monitoring Working Group of various NGOs late 'legitimate expressions of the population's indignation should not be used as justification to kill defenseless people,' it platform urged Lourenco to order the security forces to 'refrain from killing defenseless people' and create an independent commission to investigate the killings as well as compensation for the families of the of some of the people killed in the unrest have circulated on social media, with the case of Silvia Mubiala, a mother of six children allegedly shot and killed by police while trying to protect her son in Luanda, causing particular outrage.