UK Delegation Meets Morocco's FM Following Historic Backing of Autonomy Plan
The delegation, representing the UK group at the Inter-Parliamentary Union and led by Fabian Hamilton, held talks with Bourita following British Foreign Secretary David Lammy's visit to Morocco on Sunday. During his visit, the UK's top diplomat officially announced his government's support for Morocco's autonomy initiative as the only credible basis for resolving the dispute over Western Sahara.
Today's meeting reflects growing diplomatic momentum between the two countries, coming shortly after Lammy stated that the UK now considers Morocco's autonomy proposal 'serious and credible' and a viable solution to the decades-long dispute.
Yesterday, Hamilton talked extensively to Moroccan media about the significance of the UK's recent decision to support Morocco's Autonomy plan.
He pointed out a growing consensus among the world's top powers: 'We now have three out of the five permanent members of the Security Council supporting the autonomy plan.'
Read also: UK Support for Morocco's Autonomy Plan Opens New Chapter, Says British MP
The presence of the British parliamentary group in Rabat notes a strengthening of bilateral ties, not only at the executive level but also through inter-parliamentary cooperation.
Discussions reportedly focused on reinforcing legislative dialogue between Moroccan and British lawmakers, in line with broader efforts to deepen political, economic, and security collaboration.
Observers view the visit as part of a broader British diplomatic push to connect with key partners in North Africa, particularly as London seeks to recalibrate its foreign policy post-Brexit.
The UK's endorsement of the Moroccan plan represents a diplomatic win for Rabat, which has long lobbied international actors to support its autonomy initiative as a final settlement to the Western Sahara dispute.
The British delegation's visit also signals a continuation of the strategic dialogue between the two countries, which have expanded cooperation in sectors ranging from trade and investment to education and renewable energy.
As diplomatic activity intensifies, Morocco's foreign ministry has signaled that it expects further engagements with UK officials in the coming months.
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The diplomatic and civilizational relationship between Morocco and Iran represents one of the most complex and enduring interactions within the Islamic world. Spanning over four centuries, it weaves together threads of intellectual exchange, religious influence, failed alliances, ideological ruptures, and geopolitical confrontations. Despite being geographically distant, the two countries have repeatedly found themselves in moments of both affinity and opposition, shaped by historical circumstances, ideological transformations, and external pressures. The foundations of Moroccan-Iranian relations are rooted not in politics but in intellectual, spiritual, and religious interactions that blossomed across the Islamic world during the medieval period. According to Annie Tracy Samuel in her article « Commanding the Faithful: The Kingdom of Morocco's Relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran », these early links were facilitated by transregional networks of scholars and Sufi mystics that connected cities like Fez, Marrakech, Isfahan, and Baghdad. Moroccan Sufi traditions, particularly the Shadiliyya and Jazuliyya, found fertile ground in the eastern Islamic world. One of the most significant Moroccan contributions to Iranian spiritual life was the Dala'il al-Khayrat, a collection of prayers and blessings upon the Prophet, authored by Muhammad al-Jazuli in the 15th century. This text, composed in Marrakech, was adopted widely in Persian khanqahs (A sufi lodge) and became an integral part of devotional practice in Iran. As noted by the French historian Dominique Valérian, its presence from the Maghreb to Ottoman Turkey and Safavid Persia made it a «quasi-sacred» book. The cultural exchange was not limited to theological and mystical traditions. It also left traces in language. Persian influence entered Moroccan Arabic through vocabulary borrowed over centuries of contact, with words like ibrik (pitcher), khanjar (dagger), yasmin (jasmine), misk (musk), and maristan (hospital) attesting to the depth of cultural diffusion. These linguistic imprints suggest enduring contact that went beyond elites to shape popular language and daily life. Simultaneously, Persian philosophical and theological texts played an essential role in shaping Moroccan scholarly traditions. The works of thinkers like al-Farabi and al-Ghazali were staples in Moroccan madrasas, revealing the bidirectional nature of the intellectual traffic. Two Moroccan figures stand out in this context. The first is Ibn Battuta, the 14th-century world traveler whose Rihla includes reflections on his visit to Persian cities such as Tabriz and Shiraz. 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According to Historian Dr. Abdelhadi Tazi in « The diplomatic history of Morocco from ancient times to the present day » the Safavids became aware of Morocco's growing power, particularly after the Saadian victory at the Battle of the Three Kings (1578) against the Portuguese. This victory effectively deterred the Ottoman Empire, which had extended its presence to Algeria but failed to subjugate Morocco. As Majid Aghaei notes in «History of Ancient Iran» Persia perceived Morocco as «an independent actor with a Sunni identity resisting Ottoman homogenization». Shah Abbas I the Safavid dispatched embassies to the Saadian Sharifs, understanding that their conflict with the Ottomans in Iraq and Azerbaijan could benefit from Moroccan support that would force the Ottomans to fight on multiple fronts. The correspondence between Isfahan and Marrakech during Sultan Ahmad al-Mansur al-Dhahabi's reign was continuous. 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This failed diplomatic initiative set a pattern of cultural appreciation combined with political caution that would characterize their relationship for centuries. Morocco and Iran formally established diplomatic relations in 1957, shortly after Morocco regained independence from France. The early years of this relationship were marked by warmth and mutual strategic interests, particularly during the Cold War. According to Annie Tracy Samuel, both King Hassan II and Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi saw themselves as part of a modernizing elite within the Islamic world, leaders who emphasized state centralization, monarchical legitimacy, and alignment with Western powers. The personal dimension of their relationship reached a symbolic peak during King Hassan II's visit to Tehran in the late 1960s. In an unprecedented gesture, the Shah rode with Hassan II in an open car through the streets of Tehran. As recalled by Moroccan diplomats, the Shah reportedly told the King, «I am entering Tehran for the first time in an open car… because I am in your company and with you nothing will happen to me. I am beside a descendant of Ali and Fatima». The crowds reportedly responded with chants of «Ya Ali, Ya Hussein», emphasizing the perceived spiritual legitimacy of Morocco's Alaouite monarchy in Shia contexts. Between 1966 and 1974, multiple cooperation agreements were signed, covering friendship, trade, education, and technical exchange. The two monarchies also became founding members of the secretive Safari Club in 1975, a Cold War-era intelligence alliance involving Saudi Arabia, France, Iran, and Morocco. According to journalist Mohamed Hassanein Heikal in his book « Autumn of Fury (1983) », Morocco contributed special operations capabilities, while Iran provided funding and strategic planning. This collaboration extended to covert actions in Africa, such as support for Mobutu's regime in Zaire. However, despite this alignment, tensions existed beneath the surface. For instance, Iran refused Morocco's request to acquire Phantom fighter jets originally ordered by Tehran from the U.S., citing strategic limitations. Disagreements over territorial disputes in the Persian Gulf, particularly the Abu Musa and Tunb islands, also highlighted differing national priorities. The 1979 Iranian Revolution: Rupture and Ideological Polarization The 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran represented a fundamental turning point. The fall of the Pahlavi regime and the rise of Ayatollah Khomeini's theocracy introduced a new ideological model, one that was deeply at odds with Morocco's dynastic monarchy. According to Tracy Samuel, «Morocco saw the revolution as a regional model that could inspire Islamist opposition movements and destabilize monarchical regimes». Before the revolution's final success, King Hassan II attempted to mediate by sending his advisor, Abdelhadi Boutaleb, to engage both the Shah and Khomeini. The effort failed, and Iran transitioned into a theocratic republic. When the Shah fled Iran, Hassan II extended refuge to him and his family from January to March 1979. While framed as a gesture of traditional hospitality, the move sparked domestic unrest in Morocco, including graffiti in Rabat reading, «One Shah in Morocco is enough». The revolutionary regime interpreted Morocco's hospitality to the Shah as a direct affront. Matters escalated when Iran recognized the self-proclaimed «Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic» declared by the Polisario Front in 1980, prompting Morocco to sever diplomatic relations in 1981. The rupture widened further in 1982, when Morocco's Supreme Council of Ulema issued a fatwa labeling Ayatollah Khomeini a heretic, an act that symbolized Morocco's theological and political rejection of Iran's revolutionary regime. During the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988), Morocco firmly sided with Iraq. At the 1982 Arab Summit in Fez, King Hassan II emphasized Morocco's obligation to support Iraq under the Arab Collective Defense Treaty. Iran and Syria later sought to suspend Morocco's membership in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) after Hassan II's meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres in 1986, but Moroccan diplomacy blocked the motion. Rapprochement and Renewed Friction (1991–2009) Following the end of the Iran-Iraq War and the death of Khomeini, both countries cautiously resumed diplomatic ties in 1991. According to Wabelha, Iranian diplomats approached Rabat by invoking shared religious heritage, telling Moroccan officials, «Do you know the blood ties that unite our countries, ruled by a King descended from Ali?» During the early 2000s, Morocco under King Mohammed VI adopted a policy of foreign diversification. Prime Minister Abderrahman Youssoufi's 2001 visit to Tehran marked a significant step toward normalized relations. Trade increased from 0.7 million dirhams in 2003 to 8.75 million in 2006, and high-level visits were exchanged between foreign ministers. One striking moment of respect occurred during the 1997 Islamic Summit in Tehran, where Moroccan delegates were the only ones not asked to remove their shoes before meeting Supreme Leader Khamenei. He later explained: «Your king is a descendant of Ali, and this gives him a special place with us». But tensions simmered beneath this symbolic diplomacy. In 2009, Morocco once again severed ties with Iran, officially over statements made by Iranian officials asserting Bahrain as Iran's «14th province». However, the real concern, according to Annie Tracy Samuel, was Morocco's growing fear of Shia proselytization. Foreign Minister Taïeb Fassi Fihri accused Iran of seeking to «alter the kingdom's religious fundamentals». Leaked U.S. diplomatic cables later revealed Moroccan accusations that Iran was sponsoring religious infiltration by funding Moroccan students in Qom and disseminating Shia materials. For a monarchy that derives its legitimacy from the king's title as Commander of the Faithful, any foreign influence over religious doctrine was seen as an existential threat. Following a brief thaw in relations during the Hassan Rouhani presidency and the signing of the JCPOA nuclear agreement in 2015, Morocco and Iran reestablished diplomatic ties. However, this détente was short-lived. In May 2018, Morocco definitively cut relations with Iran, accusing Tehran of supporting the Polisario Front through its proxy Hezbollah. Moroccan Foreign Minister Nasser Bourita traveled to Tehran to present evidence reportedly linking Hezbollah operatives, acting with support from the Iranian embassy in Algiers, to the training and arming of Polisario fighters. The Moroccan government said that Hezbollah had transferred military equipment, including SAM-9 missiles, to the Polisario, and had provided technical training in Tindouf camps. This action crossed multiple Moroccan red lines: it involved interference in the Sahara issue, violation of national sovereignty, and the use of proxy groups to destabilize the kingdom. As Bourita stated at the time, «Morocco has concrete proof… and we cannot remain passive in the face of direct threats». The severing of ties drew support from Morocco's Gulf allies, including Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain, all of whom have their own ideological and strategic rivalries with Iran. Conversely, Iran, Hezbollah, and Algeria condemned Morocco's decision, accusing it of yielding to pressure from Riyadh and Washington. This 2018 rupture has since hardened into a new status quo. Morocco insists that any normalization would require Iran to halt support for Polisario and to cease any interference in North and West African affairs. According to Tracy Samuel, the current deadlock reflects «not only geopolitical rivalry but an unbridgeable ideological divide between a revolutionary theocracy and a traditional monarchy». The historical trajectory of Moroccan-Iranian relations is a mirror of the broader Islamic world's contradictions, between unity and fragmentation, spiritual kinship and strategic divergence. From the shared Sufi heritage of al-Jazuli and the transregional scholarship of Ibn Battuta, to the missed Safavid-Saadian alliance, and the moment of trust between Hassan II and the Shah, the two countries have witnessed flashes of genuine affinity. Yet these moments have consistently been overshadowed by the imperatives of realpolitik and the clash of ideologies. The Moroccan monarchy's claim to religious and temporal legitimacy under the title of Amir al-Mu'minin (Commander of the Faithful) has long conflicted with the Iranian model of Wilayat al-Faqih, where ultimate religious authority lies with unelected clerics. As Wabelha and Jawad conclude in their 2023 study, «Morocco and Iran are heirs to ancient civilizations, but trapped in modern paradoxes. Their history is one of admiration disrupted by mistrust».
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In 2023, Morocco's fertilizer giant OCP Group announced a deal with India to supply the Asian country with 1.7 million metric tonnes of phosphate-based fertilizer. Under the deal, OCP announced it will supply 700,000 tonnes of fertilizers to the country. OCP emphasized that the fertilizers would be tailored to meet the needs of farmers' soil, with another one million tonnes to be supplied directly to farmers. Beyond fertilizers, Morocco is considered a powerhouse in other sectors, including the automotive industry, competing with key players like China and India. The Moroccan government is also confident that its automotive sector has the potential to be more competitive than these countries. Recently, Morocco's Minister of Industry, Ryad Mezzour, announced that the country's automotive production stands at 700,000 vehicles. The minister said that Morocco is expected to produce one million vehicles by the end of the year. Morocco's proximity to Europe and its position as a gateway to Africa attract dozens of industrial companies from all sectors, including automotive. Free zones across Kenitra, Tangier, Casablanca, and beyond host major automotive companies, including Renault, Stellantis, Yazaki, and more. Indian companies are also establishing a presence in the North African country, including Motherson Group. In 2022, the group opened its new site in Tangier Med, with a focus on producing instrument panels and door panels for passenger and light commercial vehicles. During the opening ceremony, the group emphasized Morocco's position as a strategic location for Motherson due to its proximity to Europe and the Middle East, noting that the new facility allows it to better serve its existing and new customers in the regions. Beyond the automotive sector, the partnership between Morocco and India also extends into different areas like defense and military collaboration. Expanding into defense and beyond In 2024, Moroccan military officials, including Abdellatif Loudidyi, Morocco's Minister Delegate in charge of national defense administration, highlighted the importance of bilateral ties and stressed how the two countries have 'every potential to pursue their positive momentum in various fields, including defense.' He also renewed Morocco's commitment to providing favorable conditions for Indian defense companies, vowing zero bureaucracy and profitability. 'We want you in Morocco, we will support you, ' Loudyi said, according to the Hindu. A strategic partnership in defense has already begun to take shape between the North African country and India's Tata Group. The military deal included a shipment of 90 military trucks. In September 2024, Morocco's military and TATA Advanced Systems Limited teamed up to produce the WhAP 8×8 armored combat vehicle domestically. The Moroccan Ministry of Defense said the project is a systematic step toward deepening the historical ties between Morocco and India. All of the aforementioned agreements and partnerships stem from strong diplomatic ties between the two countries. Many officials from both countries stressed the importance of these relations in forging further agreements benefiting New Delhi and Rabat at all levels. In May, a senior diplomat from the Indian embassy in Rabat emphasized the importance of ties between the two countries. In an exclusive statement to Morocco World News (MWN), the official warmly welcomed Morocco's place as a strategic ally to India. 'India and Morocco share a time-tested and resilient partnership built on deep mutual respect, strategic convergence, and shared quest for the well-being and prosperity of our citizens,' the official who preferred to speak under a condition of anonymity said. 'We value its stability, moderation, and deep ties to multiple regions,' the official added. The same remarks were echoed by the former Indian ambassador to Morocco in 2024 during the MWN-led initiative Rabat Networking Day (RND) in January, when Rajesh Vaishnaw celebrated the strong bilateral ties between Rabat and New Delhi. Commenting on ties between Morocco and India, Vaishnaw described them as 'friendly and close.' King's visit brought momentum to ties The former ambassador emphasized that relations have been strengthened, particularly after the landmark visit of King Mohammed VI to India in 2015. According to the Moroccan embassy in India, Morocco 'was an unknown destination for Indians for business and investment' for a long time . 'However, since the historic visit to India of His Majesty King Mohammed VI, may God Assist Him, in October 2015 on the occasion of the 3rd Summit of the India-Africa Forum, the Kingdom of Morocco has become increasingly present in the radar of the Indian business community and Indian multinationals in particular,' the embassy said. Most recently, reports resurfaced about a potential visit by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in early July as part of his potential five-nation diplomatic tour. However, a high-level source from the Indian embassy in Rabat familiar with the matter told MWN that the visit is unlikely to take place as such a visit should be well-planned. Similar high-level visits bring further momentum to relations between countries. A potential visit in the future by Modi could bring further momentum to Morocco-India relations, especially if India moves beyond its traditional position and joins the growing number of powers in recognizing Morocco's sovereignty over its southern provinces in Western Sahara. A shift towards full recognition or support for Morocco's Autonomy Plan as the most serious and credible political solution to the dispute would place India alongside over 113 countries, including the US, UK, France, and Spain. Morocco has constantly emphasized how Western Sahara is the lens through which Rabat views its relations and cooperation with other countries.
