
How international schools are preparing students to make the right financial decisions
Advertisement
While the Cambridge research is firmly rooted in British contexts, there are lessons for children across the world.
Murray Forest, Western co-principal of primary at Yew Chung International School of Hong Kong (YCIS), explains financial literacy as 'children having the language to be able to understand how money is used, and how it can apply to themselves'.
Jeremy Power, head of Grade 11 and teacher of humanities, theory of knowledge and career studies at Canadian International School of Hong Kong (CDNIS), echoes this definition, explaining that he sees adequate financial literacy as 'preparing individuals to make informed decisions around their finances and plan for their future in order to make sound financial decisions'.
Creative approaches to learning about financial literacy range from singing to storytelling and crafts. Photo: Blend Images
At YCIS, students are introduced to the concept of money in early childhood education. 'Once in primary school, students begin to explore global currencies, earning and spending of money, balancing budgets, and forward-thinking financial planning,' explains Forest.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
2 days ago
- AllAfrica
China may not want Russia to lose – or to win
The South China Morning Post (SCMP) cited unnamed sources to report that Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told his EU counterpart that China doesn't want Russia to lose in Ukraine because the US's whole focus might then shift to China. His alleged remarks were spun by the mainstream media as an admission that China isn't as neutral as it claims, just as they and their alternative media rivals suspected. Both now believe that China will help Russia achieve its maximum goals, but that's likely not the case. Assuming for the sake of argument that Wang did indeed say what was attributed to him, it would align with the assessment around the conflict's one-year anniversary in February 2023 that 'China Doesn't Want Anyone To Win In Ukraine.' The SCMP channeled the gist of the preceding analysis by writing that 'One interpretation of Wang's statement in Brussels is that while China did not ask for the war, its prolongation may suit Beijing's strategic needs, so long as the US remains engaged in Ukraine.' To explain, not only would the US be unable to 'pivot (back) to (East) Asia' for more muscularly containing China at the scale that Trump envisages if the Ukrainian conflict drags on, but the continued pressure placed on the Russian economy by Western sanctions would benefit the Chinese economy. China already imports a staggering amount of discounted Russian oil, which helps maintain its economic growth amid the slowdown that it's experiencing, but this could end if sanctions were curtailed. Additionally, the greater that China's role becomes in serving as a valve for Russia from Western sanctions pressure (both in terms of energy imports for helping to finance the Russian budget but also exports that replace lost Western products), the more dependent Russia will become on China. The increasingly lopsided nature of their economic relations could then be leveraged to secure the most preferential long-term energy deals possible regarding the Power of Siberia II and other pipelines. These outcomes could restore China's superpower trajectory that was derailed during the first six months of the war as explained here at the time, thus strengthening its overall resilience to US pressure and therefore making it less likely that the US can coerce a series of lopsided deals from it. It's for this reason that Trump's Special Envoy to Russia Steve Witkoff is reportedly pushing for the US to lift its energy sanctions on Russia in order to deprive China of these financial and strategic benefits. The nascent Russian–US 'new detente' could restore the Kremlin's energy clientele as a first step via phased sanctions relief, thus expanding its range of partners to preemptively avert the aforementioned Russian dependence on China, especially in the event of joint energy cooperation in the Arctic. The purpose, as explained here in early January, would be to deprive China of decades-long access to ultra-cheap resources for fueling its superpower rise at the US' expense. All in all, a Russian victory (whether in full or in part via compromises) could end the discounted energy bonanza that's helping China maintain its economic growth amid the slowdown, ergo why Beijing won't send military aid or troops to facilitate this (apart from also fearing serious Western sanctions). Likewise, the scenario of the West inflicting a strategic defeat on Russia would be catastrophic for China's security, thereby providing another reason for the aforementioned imports to help Russia maintain its war economy. This article was first published on Andrew Korybko's Substack and is republished with kind permission. Become an Andrew Korybko Newsletter subscriber here.


AllAfrica
2 days ago
- AllAfrica
Putin's new ally has nukes — and nothing to lose
North Korea is now supplying critical artillery shells and ballistic missiles to Russian forces in Ukraine, with North Korean personnel reportedly helping maintain these systems on the battlefield. This unlikely partnership reveals a troubling reality: the isolated nation has become one of Moscow's most reliable military suppliers — not because of its technological prowess, but because its nuclear arsenal shields it from meaningful Western retaliation. The implications go beyond the battlefield. This marks a significant expansion of Russia's support network — one that complements, rather than replaces, its relationship with Iran. While Iran continues to provide Moscow with sophisticated drones and regional disruption capabilities, its utility as a wartime partner is increasingly constrained. Domestic unrest has drawn Tehran's focus inward, while US and Israeli operations have made its leadership cautious about exposing critical military assets. Most importantly, Iran's decision to remain a nuclear threshold state — a move calculated to preserve leverage without inviting full-scale war — leaves it vulnerable to foreign intervention. Iran must weigh each escalatory step, constantly calibrating risk. North Korea does not. Despite its isolation and economic hardship, Pyongyang operates with impunity. Its nuclear arsenal, though crude, grants absolute protection from regime-change scenarios. This allows Kim Jong Un to act boldly — supplying weapons, personnel and support without hesitation or fear of reprisal. When Russia needs ammunition, North Korea doesn't hesitate. When Moscow seeks unconditional loyalty, Pyongyang obliges. The economic angle is equally revealing. North Korea's continued arms exports, despite global sanctions, expose the limits of Western financial pressure against nuclear-armed states. These deals likely rely on barter, sanctioned intermediaries or alternative currencies, bypassing the Western-dominated financial system entirely. This emerging 'division of labor' serves all parties. Iran maintains plausible deniability while pursuing regional goals. North Korea monetizes its military stockpiles and showcases its strategic relevance. Russia receives diverse forms of support tailored to each partner's risk tolerance. What's forming is not a formal alliance but an ecosystem — one defined by transactional partnerships, hardened regimes and nuclear immunity. For Washington, this presents a sobering dilemma. The standard toolkit — sanctions, isolation, limited military threats — loses its effectiveness when adversaries are nuclear-armed, deeply sanctioned and increasingly interconnected. The more these states cooperate, the harder they become to isolate or deter. North Korea doesn't need to be strong. It only needs to be useful — and untouchable. That's the new model. And it's not theoretical anymore. When nuclear weapons become a passport to participation in global conflicts — rather than just a deterrent against invasion — rogue states don't just survive – they thrive. That's not just a challenge for American strategy. It's a fundamental rewriting of the rules of power. Kurt Davis Jr is a Millennium Fellow at the Atlantic Council and a member of the Council on Foreign Relations. He advises private, public, and state-owned companies and creditors globally on cross-border transactions.


HKFP
3 days ago
- HKFP
Huawei reclaims top spot in China's phone market, data shows
Tech giant Huawei topped China's smartphone market for the first time in over four years, outflanking US tech giant Apple as well as local competitors including Xiaomi, according to the US-based International Data Corporation. Huawei at Mobile World Congress in Barcelona, 2015. Photo: Kārlis Dambrāns/Flickr. The Shenzhen device maker captured 18.1 percent of the local phone market in the second quarter of this year, shipping 12.5 million units, an IDC report published on Tuesday showed. Huawei's domestic rebound comes after the company has faced a smattering of US export controls, Western bans and a graft probe in Belgium. China's overall smartphone market shrank after six quarters of growth, according to the IDC data, with shipments totalling 69 million units, down four percent on-year. 'Despite the recent US-China trade truce, the broader economic environment presents ongoing challenges, with consumer confidence remaining subdued,' Arthur Guo, a senior research analyst at IDC, said in the report. 'This suggests that a significant uplift in smartphone demand is unlikely in the immediate term, and the market will navigate a more complex landscape in the second half of the year.' A view of the border between Hong Kong and the mainland Chinese city of Shenzhen, taken from a rural area in Hong Kong's New Territories. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP. China's economy grew more than five percent in the second quarter, official figures showed, despite the tariff chaos unleashed by US President Donald Trump. Huawei has been at the centre of an intense standoff between the world's top two economies after Washington warned the company's equipment could be used by Beijing for espionage, an allegation the company denies. Sanctions since 2019 have curtailed the firm's access to US-made technologies, forcing it to develop its own components. California-based Apple has been suffering a slump in iPhone sales in China, and last year ceded its status as the country's best-selling smartphone brand to two local rivals. In the IDC report, Apple came in fifth on the list, retaining 13.9 percent of China's smartphone market and shipping 9.6 million units. Support HKFP | Policies & Ethics | Error/typo? | Contact Us | Newsletter | Transparency & Annual Report | Apps Safeguard press freedom; keep HKFP free for all readers by supporting our team Beijing, China Type of Story: News Service Produced externally by an organization we trust to adhere to high journalistic standards.