logo
ICC junks former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte's plea to disqualify two of judges hearing his case

ICC junks former Philippine president Rodrigo Duterte's plea to disqualify two of judges hearing his case

The Star06-07-2025
Former president Rodrigo Duterte's legal team has taken a step to formally challenge the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court over his arrest for alleged crimes against humanity. - File photo
MANILA: All the 18 elected judges of the International Criminal Court (ICC) concurred in rejecting former president Rodrigo Duterte's plea to disqualify two of the judges hearing his crimes against humanity case because his arguments were incorrect, legally untenable and may cause delay.
In a 13-page ruling dated July 3, the ICC said the decision on the disqualification plea was reached by the plenary of judges, as required by ICC rules, consisting of 18 judges elected by the Assembly of States Parties, composed of 125 countries excluding the Philippines and Burundi, under the Rome Statute that created the ICC.
ICC judges—all respected lawyers in their home countries—are elected to nine-year terms and any finding of partiality against any of them is sufficient cause for removal from the court. No two judges come from the same country in the current batch of judges.
Duterte's plea
But in the case of Duterte's plea, the plenary of judges unanimously decided that there were no grounds that raise actual nor reasonable apprehensions of bias against Judges Reine Adélaïde Sophie Alapini-Gansou of Benin and Socorro Flores y Liera of Mexico.
'The plenary of judges considers that the judges acted, at all times, in accordance with the judicial duties assigned to them under the [Rome] Statute,' the ruling read.
'As judges of Pre-trial Chamber I, they issued the Authorisation Decision pursuant to article 15(4) of the Statute, which provides for the power of a pre-trial chamber to authorise an investigation proprio motu, if it considers that there is a reasonable basis to proceed with an investigation and that the case appears to fall within the jurisdiction of the Court,' it added.
Legally untenable
Duterte sought the excusal of Alapini-Gansou and Flores because of their previous rulings on Duterte's earlier petition questioning ICC jurisdiction, because the Philippines withdrew from the Rome Statute in 2019 when the ICC started investigating the charges against him while he was still president.
But the charges that were filed against Duterte covered a period starting from when he was mayor of Davao City until the time the Philippines withdrew from the Rome Statute.
Duterte did not include Presiding Judge Iulia Antoanella Motoc of Romania because she was not yet part of the pretrial chamber when it ruled on the jurisdiction appeal.
But the plenary of judges ruled that 'there are no grounds to doubt their impartiality in the current case and none of the criteria established.'
'The judges considered that the proposition of the applicant is incorrect and legally untenable, and has the potential to cause delay,' the document reads.
'They noted that, when Pre-trial Chamber I, in a former composition, addressed the issue of jurisdiction in the Situation in the Philippines, it did so in accordance with its duties and limited mandate under article 15(4) of the Statute, without prejudice to any future determinations on the same issue,' it further states. - Philippine Daily Inquirer/ANN
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Italian judges dismiss case against Meloni over release of Libyan suspect
Italian judges dismiss case against Meloni over release of Libyan suspect

The Star

time8 hours ago

  • The Star

Italian judges dismiss case against Meloni over release of Libyan suspect

FILE PHOTO: Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni reacts as she speaks to the media at a NATO summit in The Hague, Netherlands June 25, 2025. REUTERS/Claudia Greco/File Photo ROME (Reuters) -An Italian judicial body has dropped a case against Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, who had been placed under investigation following the release of a Libyan police officer wanted by the International Criminal Court, she said on Monday. Osama Elmasry Njeem was freed in January and flown home in an Italian state aircraft just days after being detained in the northern city of Turin under an ICC arrest warrant for alleged crimes against humanity, including murder, torture and rape. "The judges dismissed the case only against me," Meloni said in a post on social media X. She was under investigation for allegedly aiding and abetting a crime and misuse of public funds. Meloni added that based on the document she received, magistrates will pursue the case against Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, Justice Minister Carlo Nordio and Cabinet Undersecretary Alfredo Mantovano, who had been placed under investigation with her. "I maintain that this government acts cohesively under my leadership: every decision, especially one so important, is agreed upon. It is therefore absurd to request that Piantedosi, Nordio and Mantovano stand trial, but not myself, before them," Meloni wrote on X. The ICC has been investigating allegations of serious crimes committed in Libya since the country's 2011 civil war following a referral by the U.N. Security Council. Justice Minister Nordio told parliament in February that Italy had no choice but to free Elmasry due to mistakes and inaccuracies in the arrest warrant. (Reporting by Angelo AmanteEditing by Sandra Maler)

New York Declaration fails Gaza's reality
New York Declaration fails Gaza's reality

New Straits Times

timea day ago

  • New Straits Times

New York Declaration fails Gaza's reality

THE New York Declaration on the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine, issued late last month and endorsed by the Arab League, the European Union and 17 states is a masterclass in political evasion — fine words that dare not confront the central facts of the Israel-Palestine conflict. The declaration bluntly demands that Hamas relinquish power in Gaza and disarm, handing authority over to the Palestinian Authority (PA). Yet when it comes to Israel's decades-long occupation, its illegal blockade and devastating military campaign that has killed more than 60,000 Palestinians — most of them women and children — it retreats into euphemism. It is a deliberate choice to privilege political convenience over legal obligation. Under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Israel, as the occupying power, must protect the civilian population. The destruction of homes, hospitals, schools and water systems; the starvation of civilians; and the displacement of nearly two million people are not "collateral damage" but grave breaches under Articles 53 and 147, attracting individual criminal responsibility. The declaration rightly condemns Hamas' Oct 7 attacks as war crimes and crimes against humanity. But justice cannot be selective. The Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court applies equally to armed groups and states. If its authors truly believe in the rule of law, then they must apply it without fear or favour. The declaration's vision for Gaza's future is equally troubling. By proposing the transfer of authority to the PA backed by an international stabilisation mission, it risks turning the PA into an unelected subcontractor for the occupation — administering Gaza without real sovereignty. History shows that transitional administrations, from Timor-Leste to Kosovo, succeeded only when paired with credible elections, clear timelines for self-governance and respect for self-determination. The declaration offers none of these guarantees. Most tellingly, it evades the root cause of Palestinian resistance: the occupation itself. The International Court of Justice's (ICJ) 2024 advisory opinion reaffirmed that Israel's occupation is illegal and must end "as rapidly as possible" while the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2334 demands the cessation of all settlement activity, calling it a "flagrant violation" under international law. Yet the declaration treats these binding norms as optional talking points. It says nothing of the siege imposed on Gaza since 2007, or the refugees' right of return under United Nations General Assembly Resolution 194. There is no insistence on lifting the blockade, opening humanitarian corridors or securing reparations for the destruction. In short, it offers Palestinians process without protection and symbolism without sovereignty. If the world is serious about peace, any credible agreement must meet three minimum standards: Impartial investigations into all alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity — whether committed by Hamas, Israel or any other actor — under ICC jurisdiction or an independent UN mechanism. Enforceable timelines for ending the occupation, dismantling illegal settlements and lifting the blockade, in compliance with the ICJ's opinion and existing UNSC resolutions. Guarantees of Palestinian self-determination through internationally supervised elections in Gaza and the West Bank, and constitutional processes reflecting the will of the Palestinian people — not the dictates of external powers. Without these, the declaration is not a peace plan but a blueprint for managing Palestinian submission. Some will argue that half-measures are better than none. But unjust peace is no peace. I have spoken to Palestinian children who have lost their entire families and represented them in legal proceedings. I have read the legal texts meant to protect them — and seen how those protections collapse when expedience trumps principle. The world does not need more declarations that appear balanced on paper but tilt towards power in practice. It needs the courage to hold every violator of international law accountable, and the resolve to end an occupation that is both illegal and immoral. Until then, Gaza will remain not a test case for peace, but the gravest indictment of the international system's unwillingness to enforce its own laws.

Cambodia-Thailand border talks move to Kuala Lumpur next week
Cambodia-Thailand border talks move to Kuala Lumpur next week

The Sun

time4 days ago

  • The Sun

Cambodia-Thailand border talks move to Kuala Lumpur next week

PUTRAJAYA: The General Border Committee (GBC) meeting aimed at resolving border conflicts between Cambodia and Thailand has been relocated to Kuala Lumpur and will take place next Tuesday (Aug 5). Communications Minister Datuk Fahmi Fadzil confirmed the change, stating that Thailand requested the shift from Phnom Penh to Malaysia's capital. The decision was discussed during today's Cabinet meeting, chaired by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim. Fahmi, who also serves as the MADANI Government spokesman, noted that the Ministry of Defence will oversee the proceedings. Originally scheduled for Aug 4 in Phnom Penh, the GBC meeting will now be preceded by a pre-GBC session in Kuala Lumpur on Monday. - Bernama

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store