
Protesters rally downtown to say 'No War On Iran'
Susan Etscovitz from Brookline holds a sign as she sits with other at a noontime rally.
John Tlumacki/Globe Staff
'I'm an
Over the past two weeks, decades-old tensions between Israel and Iran once again erupted into warfare. On June 13, Israel struck nuclear facilities across Iran.
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According to Iran's health ministry, this and subsequent strikes reportedly
Kimia Kahalzadeh, a 19-year-old UMass Amherst student and Iranian American who immigrated to the United States when she was 6, said she boarded a flight out of Tehran just hours before the bombing began on the evening of June 13. While in the air, she received frantic messages from family members following the attacks in real-time.
'My heart sank,' she said.
Her great-grandmother, who lived just two houses down from a bombed building in Tehran, fell during the blast and tore her ACL.
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'She hasn't been able to walk,' Kahalzadeh said. 'Thankfully, her son was able to get her out of Tehran.'
Kahalzadeh said she hardly could believe she had walked through the same streets that were bombed just days later.
'These weren't military targets. There were homes. There were neighborhoods, communities, people,' she said.
In the following days, both countries exchanged further strikes until the conflict escalated on Saturday, when the US bombed three Iranian nuclear facilities.
A tentative ceasefire between Israel and Iran
was announced early on Tuesday, with both sides agreeing to halt offensive operations. But many protesters do not 'actually trust the ceasefire will hold' and continue to worry about an escalated conflict, Sharafi said.
Iranian-American organizer Ziba Cranmer said successive US administrations have failed to reckon with the country's role in shaping Iran's current circumstances.
'[The United States] got rid of a democratically elected leader that was wildly popular and very social justice oriented in the '50s,' Cranmer said, referencing former Iranian Prime Minister Mohammad Mosaddegh,who was overthrown in a US-backed military coup that cemented the reign of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.
'We've spent trillions of dollars in the last two decades around war in the Middle East,' she added. 'People cannot afford to live in this city. I want them to fund housing vouchers, schools, and hospitals. I don't want to fund weapons.'
State Senator Jamie Eldridge,who represents the Middlesex and Worcester districts, urged Congress to 'pass the War Powers resolution and stop Donald Trump from taking us into another war in the Middle East.'
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'It is absolutely critical that the American people rise up and say, 'Not in our name,'' said Eldridge.
Staffers from both Senator Elizabeth Warren and Senator Edward Markey's offices also spoke at the rally, voicing their bosses' opposition to what they called President Trump's 'unconstitutional' attack on Iran and expressing support for the War Powers resolution aimed at limiting further military action.
Sharafi said organizers plan to keep pushing for a permanent ceasefire. She sees a need for a 'robust anti-war movement' in the US.
'There's a lot of stress and trauma of not knowing what is going to happen. It's been great that we have allies here,' she said, pointing to the crowd of protesters. 'People in the [Middle East] don't deserve to constantly be bombed or threatened.'
Nathan Metcalf can be reached at
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American Military News
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This article was originally published by Radio Free Asia and is reprinted with permission. The U.S. air strikes on Iran's nuclear facilities will have reinforced North Korea's perception that possessing nuclear weapons is essential for its survival and may even prompt Pyongyang to accelerate the development of its nuclear capabilities, warned South Korean experts. U.S. President Donald Trump on Saturday announced that the U.S. had conducted 'massive precision strikes' on three Iranian nuclear sites – Fordow, Natanz, and Isfahan – that has 'completely and totally obliterated' Iran's key nuclear enrichment facilities. The attack on Iran's nuclear sites marks the first offensive action in Israel's war with Iran – a major escalation in tensions in the Middle East – which South Korean analysts warn will make North Korea increasingly resistant to any diplomatic efforts or talks aimed at convincing Pyongyang to give up its nuclear program. 'North Korea must have thought it was a good idea to have nuclear weapons after seeing the U.S. airstrike on Iran's nuclear facilities,' Jeong Seong-jang, deputy director of the Sejong Institute, told Radio Free Asia on Monday. In a statement Monday, a spokesperson for the North Korean Foreign Ministry criticized the U.S. airstrike on Iran's nuclear facilities, saying it 'violated the U.N. Charter and international law, which have as their basic principles respect for sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs,' North Korea's state-run Korean Central News Agency reported. Despite calls by the U.S. and its allies for denuclearization, North Korean leader Kim Jong Un has pushed for his country to bolster its nuclear capabilities to defend itself, warning earlier this year that 'confrontation with the most vicious hostile countries is inevitable.' While the 'hostile countries' were not named, North Korea regards the U.S. and its ally, South Korea, as its main enemies. In 2003, North Korea withdrew after acceding to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), shortly after the U.S. invaded Iraq. It cited concerns, at the time, that the U.S. was planning a preemptive strike against Pyongyang. 'North Korea is (likely to be) concerned that if it gives up its nuclear weapons, it will end up in a situation similar to Iran, and will not accept future proposals for denuclearization discussions.' He warned the strikes may even prompt North Korea – which conducted its first underground nuclear test in 2006 – to accelerate the development of nuclear submarines in an effort to secure so-called 'second-strike' capabilities – or the ability to launch retaliatory nuclear strikes after a preemptive one. Other South Korean experts echoed similar concerns. 'Kim Jong Un will probably order the relocation, hiding, and concealment of nuclear facilities, as well as the expansion of air defense systems,' Professor Nam Seong-wook of Sookmyung Women's University told RFA. In a social media post, Kim Dong-yeop, a professor at the University of North Korean Studies, argued that the U.S. strikes would cause North Korea to further solidify its perception that 'only possession of nuclear weapons can lead to survival' and provide much-needed validation for Pyongyang to hold on to its nuclear arsenal. Since 2006, North Korea has tested nuclear devices six times and has developed missiles believed to be capable of reaching the U.S. mainland. During his first term, Trump held historic summits with Kim Jong Un, hoping to get North Korea to abandon its nuclear weapons in exchange for sanctions relief, but his high-level diplomacy ultimately failed to achieve a breakthrough. The North has continued to build its nuclear and missile programs. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute estimates that North Korea has assembled around 50 warheads and possesses enough fissile material to produce up to 40 more warheads and is accelerating the production of further fissile material. Earlier this year, Pyongyang reiterated that it has no intention of giving up its nuclear program. North Korea would now view diplomatic engagement with the United States as 'foolish' and any future negotiations of denuclearization as futile, Kim Dong-yeop wrote in a social media post on Sunday. 'North Korea will use the Iran situation as an excuse to strengthen its criticism of the South Korea-U.S. alliance and South Korea-U.S.-Japan security cooperation,' he added.


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They point out that the Constitution gives Congress-not the president-the power to declare war, and say the War Powers Act exists to stop presidents from sidestepping that responsibility. Under the Constitution, war powers are divided but not always clearly defined. Article I, Section 8 gives Congress the power "to declare war," "raise and support armies," "provide and maintain a navy," and "make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces." This means Congress has the explicit authority to decide when the U.S. goes to war. But the last time Congress formally declared war was World War II. Since then, military actions-from Korea and Vietnam to Iraq, Libya, and Syria-have typically been carried out under broad authorizations, U.N. resolutions, or purely at the president's discretion. At the same time, Article II, Section 2 names the president as "Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several states, when called into the actual service of the United States." This gives the president broad authority to direct the military once it is in action. In 1973, after the Vietnam War, Congress passed the War Powers Resolution to rein in presidential war-making. It requires the president to notify Congress within 48 hours of deploying troops and limits such deployments to 60 days-with a 30-day withdrawal period-unless Congress explicitly approves or declares war. Still, presidents of both parties have often argued that the War Powers Act is unconstitutional, or they've simply ignored its requirements. During his first term, Trump twice vetoed measures passed under the War Powers Act, including one aimed specifically at restricting his ability to strike Iran. Congress wrestled with similar questions in 2011, when President Barack Obama ordered airstrikes on Libya without explicit approval, drawing criticism that he had exceeded his authority. This time, the Trump administration has enjoyed strong backing from Republican leaders on Capitol Hill. House Speaker Mike Johnson has gone so far as to argue that the War Powers Act itself is unconstitutional. Meanwhile, Republican leaders have accused Democrats of using the issue for political gain and say the president needs flexibility to respond to threats quickly. "Democrats, of course, rushed to turn this successful strike into a political fight," said Senator John Barrasso, the chamber's No. 2 Republican, insisting that "national security moves fast" and that requiring consultation with Congress could "prevent the president from protecting us in the future." But some Republicans disagree. Senator Rand Paul cited the framers' original intent to keep war-making powers in the hands of Congress. 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