Israeli forces strike ports in Yemen and Galaxy Leader ship, IDF says
In the IDF strikes on Yemen, Israeli forces also claim they struck the Galaxy Leader, a ship that was taken over by Houthi forces in November 2023, shortly after the war between Israel and Hamas started following the events of Oct. 7, when Hamas led a terrorist attack on Israel that left 1,200 Israelis dead and 250 taken hostage.
The crew of the Galaxy Leader was held hostage from November 2023 until January 2025, when they were finally released as part of the ceasefire deal between Israel and Hamas earlier this year.
MORE: Hamas says it 'responded positively' to temporary ceasefire deal proposal with Israel
"Houthi forces installed a radar system on the ship and have been using it to track vessels in the international maritime arena to facilitate further terrorist activities," the IDF said in the statement.
Following the strikes, Houthi forces said they "effectively repelled" the Israeli attacks, according to a post from a Houthi spokesperson on X.
Israel's strikes on Yemen come amid a fragile ceasefire deal between Iran and Israel following the 12-day war between the two countries. Israel and Hamas are currently negotiating a new ceasefire deal that would pause Israeli military action in the Gaza Strip and secure the release of some of the remaining 20 living hostages still being held by Hamas in Gaza.
MORE: Israel reports 3 Houthi missiles fired in 24 hours amid plans to expand Gaza offensive
Negotiators for both Israel and Hamas arrived in Doha, Qatar, over the weekend to continue negotiations after Hamas responded positively to the U.S.-brokered Israeli-backed proposal submitted to them last week.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is set to meet with President Donald Trump at the White House on Monday.
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Boston Globe
22 minutes ago
- Boston Globe
Trump and Netanyahu may take a victory lap on Iran, but the Gaza war looms over their meeting
Advertisement 'The optics will be very positive,' said Michael Oren, a former Israeli ambassador to Washington. 'But behind the victory lap are going to be some very serious questions.' Before departing for Washington on Sunday, Netanyahu praised the cooperation with the U.S. for bringing a 'huge victory over our shared enemy.' He struck a positive note on a ceasefire for Gaza, saying he was working 'to achieve the deal under discussion, on the terms we agreed to.' 'I think that the discussion with President Trump can certainly help advance that result, which all of us hope for,' Netanyahu said. 'It changes from day to day' Israel and Hamas appear to be inching toward a new ceasefire agreement that would bring about a 60-day pause in the fighting, send aid flooding into Gaza and free at least some of the remaining 50 hostages held in the territory. Advertisement But a perennial sticking point is whether the ceasefire will end the war altogether. Hamas has said it is willing to free all the hostages in exchange for an end to the war and a full Israeli withdrawal from Gaza. Netanyahu says the war will end once Hamas surrenders, disarms and goes into exile — something it refuses to do. Trump has made it clear that he wants to be known as a peacemaker. He has repeatedly trumpeted recent peace deals that his administration facilitated between India and Pakistan, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda, and Israel and Iran, and for years has made little secret of the fact that he covets a Nobel Peace Prize. He has been pressuring Israel and Hamas to wrap up their own conflict, which has killed tens of thousands of Palestinians, ravaged Gaza, deepened Israel's international isolation and made any resolution to the broader conflict between Israel and the Palestinians more distant than ever. But the precise details of the deal, and whether it can lead to an end to the war, are still in flux. In the days before Netanyahu's visit, Trump seemed to downplay the chances for a breakthrough. Asked on Friday how confident he was a ceasefire deal would come together, Trump told reporters: 'I'm very optimistic — but you know, look, it changes from day to day.' On Sunday evening, he seemed to narrow his expectation, telling reporters that he thought an agreement related to the remaining hostages would be reached in the coming week. Trump and Netanyahu are more in sync than ever Those mood swings also have embodied Trump's relationship with Netanyahu. After Trump's decision to get involved in Israel's war in Iran with strikes on Iranian nuclear sites, the two leaders are more in sync than ever. But that's not always been the case. Advertisement As recently as Netanyahu's last visit to Washington in April, the tone was markedly different. Trump used the photo-op with Netanyahu to announce that the U.S. was entering into negotiations with Iran over its nuclear deal — appearing to catch the Israeli leader off guard and at the time, slamming the brakes on any Israeli military plan. He also praised Turkish leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a fierce critic of Israel's, in front of Netanyahu, and the two made no apparent progress on a trade deal at the height of Trump's tariff expansion. Trump, whose policies have largely aligned with Israel's own priorities, pledged last week to be 'very firm' with Netanyahu on ending the war, without saying what that would entail. Pressure by Trump has worked on Netanyahu in the past, with a ceasefire deal having been reached right as the president was taking office again. Netanyahu has to balance the demands of his American ally with the far-right parties in his governing coalition who hold the key to his political survival and oppose ending the war. But given the strong U.S. support in Israel's war against Iran, highlighted by joint airstrikes on a fortified underground Iranian nuclear site, Netanyahu may have a tough time saying no. On Sunday evening, Trump said one of the matters he expected to discuss with Netanyahu 'is probably a permanent deal with Iran.' Trump also may expect something in return for his recent calls for Netanyahu's corruption trial to be canceled — a significant interference in the domestic affairs of a sovereign state. Advertisement 'Trump thinks that Netanyahu owes him,' said Eytan Gilboa, an expert on U.S.-Israel affairs at Bar-Ilan University near Tel Aviv. 'And if Trump thinks that he needs to end the war In Gaza, then that is what he will need to do.' Trump's regional vision The two men will likely discuss the ceasefire with Iran and how to respond to any perceived violations. But beyond Iran is Trump's grand vision for a new Middle East, where he hopes that additional countries will join the Abraham Accords, a series of agreements normalizing relations between Arab countries and Israel brokered during Trump's first term. Netanyahu and Trump are likely to discuss how to bring Syria into the fold. The country, a longtime enemy of Israel's, has new leadership after the fall of President Bashar Assad, and experts say conditions might be ripe for some kind of nonbelligerency agreement. But Trump's ultimate goal is to include regional powerhouse Saudi Arabia. The Saudis, whose clout could open the door for other Arab or Muslim countries to join, have expressed interest in normalizing ties with Israel but only if it is accompanied by serious steps toward resolving Israel's conflict with the Palestinians. For starters, that would seem to require action in Gaza. 'The most important thing (for Trump) is to end the war in Gaza,' Gilboa said. 'That is the key to all the regional peace in the Middle East.' Price reported from Washington.
Yahoo
22 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Iran alone in crises: Where were Russia, China in their time of need?
When Russia sought assistance from China, North Korea and Iran amid its full-scale invasion of Ukraine, some Western officials expressed concern about the formation of a new axis against Western countries. But none of these countries came to Iran's aid during the Iran-Israel war or when American forces attacked Iran's nuclear facilities. China and Russia, the most powerful countries in the axis, have only expressed verbal condemnation of Washington's actions but stopped short of providing any financial, material or military assistance to Tehran. Alexander Gaboyev, Director of the Carnegie Centre for Russian and Eurasian Affairs, told the New York Times: 'Each of these countries is completely pacifist and they don't want to get involved in each other's wars. Unlike the US and its allies, these countries do not necessarily have the same structures, values and institutional links with each other." The four countries have authoritarian regimes and are hostile to the United States, which has always tried to undermine them and question their legitimacy. They also have some strategic ties with each other which seek to circumvent US-led economic sanctions by advancing trade and exchanging weapons technology. Michael Kimge, a professor of history at The Catholic University of America and a former US State Department official, also believes that 'there is probably little coordination between China, North Korea, Iran and Russia, so that they share views and have conversations around the centre of dissatisfaction with the United States, but not very meaningful coordination with each other.' Among those countries, only Russia and North Korea have a mutual defence pact. In addition to sending weapons to Russia, North Korea has deployed more than 14,000 troops to fight alongside Russian forces in their more than three-year long military offensive in Ukraine. Moscow and Pyongyang's relationship is rooted in a shared communist past and anti-American war on the Korean peninsula from 1950 to 1953. China under Mao Zedong's rule was also present then. This same historical background also explains the close ties between China and Russia. The two countries' leaders have maintained a personal bond over the years, with their governments announcing 'unimpeded cooperation' only weeks before the Kremlin launched its offensive on Ukraine in February 2022. China, of course, still shows itself adhering to some of the international values that Washington promoted during the pre-Trump era, and accordingly has refused to send major arms aid to Russia during the war. However, according to US officials, China has played a role in rebuilding Russia's defence industries and remains one of the largest customers of Russian oil. Russia and Iran have never had such a relationship. One of the reasons could be religious differences. Iran has a theocracy that is viewed with doubt by the other three secular and socialist governments of Russia, China and North Korea. Moscow and Beijing view the spread of Islamic fundamentalism with concern. Chinese President Xi Jinping has taken draconian measures against Muslims in the country, cracking down on some Islamic rites among Uighur and Kazakh ethnicities. Sergei radchenko, a cold war historian at Johns Hopkins University, also told the New York Times: 'there is no common value but statements about a multipolar world order between them, and at the same time, there are so many contrasts between them that Putin has pointed to and said that his relations with Iran's neighbours, including Israel and Arab countries, are more important than the friendship between Russia and Iran.' 'Putin is a cynical, opportunistic actor who thinks only of his strategic interests, and he will do so if he needs to sacrifice Iran. And of course, that feeling is reciprocated in Tehran as well," he added. China was also a mere observer during the Iran-Israel military confrontation. Jinping said all sides 'should work to reduce tension'. The Chinese leader strongly condemned US President Donald Trump's strikes on Iran and accused the Washington of violating the UN Charter. But like Russia, Beijing didn't help Iran either. Though China sometimes takes an official stance toward conflicts in the region, it often tries to appear neutral in order to safeguard its interests. The country has for years expanded ties with Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, Iran's two regional rivals of whom they've clashed with for years. A broad regional war would jeopardize China's oil imports from those countries, so Beijing is seeking to calm the conflict, not inflame it. China's goal to play a neutral mediating role in the Middle East became apparent in March 2023, when it played a role in a diplomatic agreement between Iran and Saudi Arabia. China also used that opportunity to strengthen its ties with Syria, Iran's ally in the region. Enrico Fardella, a professor at the University of Naples Lorentale who formerly taught at Peking University, believes that now that Iran has been weakened by the war with Israel and the fall of Syria's longtime President Bashar al-Assad, Beijing is cautiously and carefully assessing the situation to see which governments, political groups or militias find the upper hand, or fill a vacuum in the region. Yun Soon, a researcher on Chinese foreign policy at the Stimson Research Institute in Washington, believes the term 'pivot' to describe the relationship between China, Russia, Iran and North Korea remains valid. Although these countries do not have a common defence pact, they share a common view of anti-America, anti-West, and anti-liberal democracy. 'The alliance, even without mutual defence, remains an alliance,' he noted. "That they do not fight for each other does not mean that their cooperation is insignificant. China has provided Iran with nuclear and missile technology, financed Russia's war and kept North Korea alive". But Yun Soon noted that Beijing's support for Iran is limited and Chinese officials do not trust Iran's religious leadership. They see Iran as a country 'too simplistic, opportunistic, hesitant and unstable in foreign relations.' He also added that Chinese officials are aware Iran, like North Korea, is an isolated country and needs China under any circumstances even if their relations sometimes suffer ups and downs.
Washington Post
24 minutes ago
- Washington Post
Trump and Netanyahu may take a victory lap on Iran, but the Gaza war looms over their meeting
TEL AVIV, Israel — Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and U.S. President Donald Trump might look to take a victory lap on Monday after their recent joint strikes on Iran , hailed by both as an unmitigated success. But as they meet for the third time this year, the outwardly triumphant visit will be dogged by Israel's 21-month war against Hamas in Gaza and questions over how hard Trump will push for an end to the conflict.
