South Korea bars two former acting presidents from overseas travel
South Korean authorities have slapped travel bans on two former acting presidents as part of an investigation into alleged insurrection linked to ex-leader Yoon Suk-yeol's martial law bid last year, according to local reports.
Police barred former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo and ex-Finance Minister Choi Sang-mok from travelling abroad in mid-May as they underwent investigation as suspects in the insurrection case, the Yonhap news agency reported on Tuesday.
Yoon, who served as president for three years, declared emergency martial law in December 2024, claiming that antistate and North Korean forces had infiltrated the government, deploying troops onto the streets of the capital.
The declaration was revoked hours later by parliament, thrusting South Korea into an unprecedented constitutional crisis that involved both Han and Choi serving as acting presidents.
The former acting presidents were questioned on Monday by a special police unit over the role they had played in Yoon's short-lived martial law.
Since his impeachment, there have been questions over whether they had resisted the move as they claimed.
Yoon was formally stripped of office last month, with a judge at South Korea's Constitutional Court ruling that he had overstepped his authority by deploying troops in the capital.
Senior military and police officials testified they were ordered to detain rival politicians.
The former president is currently on trial on insurrection charges, potentially facing life in prison or the country's maximum penalty: the death sentence.
If found guilty, he would become the third South Korean president to be convicted of insurrection after two military leaders in connection with a 1979 coup.
South Koreans go to the polls next week to elect Yoon's successor, capping months of political turmoil since the martial law declaration.
Han attempted to win the ruling conservative People Power Party's presidential nomination, but was forced to drop out this month after internecine disputes, which led to rival Kim Moon-soo being chosen.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Al Jazeera
5 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
The attacks on Iran didn't achieve anything more than harm nonproliferation
After launching direct attacks on Iran's nuclear facilities, United States President Donald Trump was quick to declare victory. His administration claimed 'the world is far safer' after the 'bombing campaign obliterated Iran's ability to create nuclear weapons'. But in the aftermath of the strikes, there has been much deliberation about the extent to which the Iranian nuclear programme was really set back. As the head of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), Rafael Grossi, pointed out, craters reveal little about what survived deep below layers of concrete. The Trump administration admitted that at least one site was not targeted with bunker-busting bombs because it was too deep underground. The fate of Iran's centrifuges and stockpile of 60 percent-enriched uranium remains unknown. While the extent of the damage that the Iranian nuclear programme sustained remains unclear, the nonproliferation regime that kept it transparent for years has been left in tatters. Instead of curbing nuclear proliferation, this short-sighted military action may well intensify the nuclear threat it sought to contain, making not just the Middle East but also the entire world a far more dangerous place. A well-surveilled nuclear programme Until this month's attack, Iran's nuclear programme had remained a largely peaceful one. It was launched in the 1950s with help from the US Atoms for Peace initiative. Over the following decades, it expanded to include a number of nuclear facilities. Among them are the Arak heavy water reactor, which is now nonoperational; the Tehran Research Reactor, an installation built with US help in 1967 and used for medical isotope production; the uranium conversion and fuel fabrication complex in Isfahan; the Natanz nuclear facility, which is the country's main enrichment site; the Fordow underground plant near Qom; and the Bushehr nuclear plant, which relies on Russian-supplied fuel and is the only one currently operational in Iran. In addition, Iran is constructing two other nuclear installations – the Darkhovin and Sirik power plant projects – but those remain in early stages. All aspects of the Iranian nuclear programme were under meticulous surveillance by the IAEA for decades. The country became a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968, legally committing itself to forgo the pursuit of nuclear weapons and placing all nuclear materials under IAEA safeguards. Iran signed a Comprehensive Safeguards Agreement in 1974 and declared 18 nuclear facilities and nine locations outside facilities (LOFs) where nuclear material was used. These included enrichment plants, research reactors, conversion and fuel fabrication facilities, laboratories and hospital sites using radioisotopes. At times, especially after previously secret sites came to light in 2002, the IAEA carried out more intrusive verification measures and pressed Iran to implement the Additional Protocol, an agreement for expanded inspections. The country did so voluntarily from 2003 to 2006. In 2015, Iran signed the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) with the US, United Kingdom, China, Russia, France and Germany. It accepted strict ceilings on uranium enrichment and agreed to reduce its uranium stockpile by 97 percent in exchange for sanctions relief. The IAEA was granted even greater access to Iran's programme than before and was allowed to install cameras and remote sensors at nuclear sites, permitting real-time monitoring. This expanded access covered all the major sites of Iran's nuclear programme, including Natanz, Fordow and Isfahan, the three facilities recently attacked by the US. The JCPOA proved highly effective while it remained in force. Undermining nuclear diplomacy In 2018 during his first term as president, Trump decided to pull out of the JCPOA, claiming that under its provisions Iran received 'too much in exchange for too little'. Despite repeated pleas from European allies to preserve the accord, the US reimposed sanctions and launched a 'maximum pressure' campaign to cripple Iran's economy. The consequences of Trump's withdrawal were swift. Deprived of the deal's benefits, Iran began reducing its compliance with the agreement. In 2020, after a Trump-ordered air strike killed Iranian General Qassem Soleimani, Tehran announced it would no longer be bound by any operational limits in the nuclear deal. Unsurprisingly, Trump's actions made any new negotiations with Iran far more difficult. US officials under the second Trump administration tried to restart talks with Iran and conducted several rounds of indirect discussions. Iranian leaders demanded guarantees that a new deal would not be undermined or sanctions reimposed again unilaterally, and in response, Washington showed little flexibility, instead making even more stringent demands. From Iran's perspective, what was proposed was a less favourable deal than the JCPOA, and it came from a country whose promises had proven unreliable. The US-Israeli attacks all but killed the efforts to revive negotiations. Within hours of the attacks, Iran scrubbed another round of talks with the US in Oman and ordered its negotiators home. In the days after the bombing, Iran's parliament started drafting legislation to quit the NPT. If Iran goes through with it, a withdrawal could rupture the cornerstone treaty of global arms control. For half a century, the NPT has limited the nuclear bomb to a handful of states. Iran quitting now would mark the treaty's most consequential breach since North Korea, which walked away from the NPT in 2003 and tested a nuclear weapon four years later. Outside the NPT, Iran would no longer be bound by any limits or inspections, leaving the world in the dark about its activities. An opaque Iranian nuclear programme would likely spur other regional powers to do the same, shredding decades of restraint. Leaving the NPT is not meant to be easy. It requires three months notice, a public rationale, continued liability for past violations, and the handover or continuous safeguarding of all imported nuclear technology. These are steps the treaty depositories and the United Nations Security Council could use to pressure any would-be quitter back to the table, assuming the quitter still sees any value in remaining at the table. While Iran has not yet declared it is leaving the NPT, its parliament passed legislation to stop all cooperation with the IAEA. This is a clear sign that the prospects of Iran's continued adherence to multilateral diplomacy are dim. Diplomacy is still the only way By bombing facilities under active IAEA safeguards, the US in effect told every nonnuclear state that cooperation buys little safety. The strikes set a dangerous precedent: A country that opened its sites to inspectors and remained within a negotiated framework nevertheless faced military force. If states conclude that adhering to the NPT and allowing inspections won't protect them from attack or coercion, they may well decide that developing a nuclear deterrent is the only reliable security guarantee. After all, we don't see the US contemplating strikes on North Korean nuclear facilities after it made clear it has a nuclear weapon. Whatever temporary setback this ill-conceived show of force was meant to achieve, it now risks causing a strategic unravelling of the wider nonproliferation regime and regional stability. The US still has a chance to stop a nuclear arms race from erupting in the Middle East and the rest of the world. To do that, it must double down on diplomacy and confront the deep distrust it created head-on. Striking a deal is essential, but for that, American diplomacy must return to realism in negotiations. Washington should abandon the maximalist demand of 'zero enrichment'. Arms control experts noted that insisting Iran have no enrichment capability is unnecessary for nonproliferation and also unrealistic. The JCPOA already proved that a tightly limited enrichment programme paired with rigorous monitoring can effectively block Iran's pathways to a bomb. The US needs to signal it is willing to accept such an arrangement in exchange for security assurances and sanctions relief. For its part, Tehran has signalled its willingness to ship out its stockpile of highly enriched uranium and cap enrichment levels again if offered a fair deal, even though it refuses to relinquish its right to enrich entirely. Ultimately, diplomacy and sustained international engagement remain the most effective tools for managing nuclear proliferation risks, not risky unilateral actions. The strikes have been a grave strategic error. Repairing the damage will require an equally dramatic recommitment to the hard work of diplomacy. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.
Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
‘Immense pressure': Hong Kong's last major pro-democracy party disbands
The League of Social Democrats (LSD), the last remaining active pro-democracy party in China-ruled Hong Kong, has announced its disbandment due to 'immense political pressure'. The 'difficult' decision announced on Sunday in effect leaves the financial hub with no opposition force holding street protests after the imposition of sweeping national security laws in recent years. In a statement, the relatively small left-wing party, which was founded in 2006, said it had reached its conclusion after 'careful deliberation', particularly with regards 'to the consequences' for its members. 'Over these 19 years, we have endured hardships of internal disputes and the near-total imprisonment of our leadership, while witnessing the erosion of civil society, the fading of grassroots voices, the omnipresence of red lines, and the draconian suppression of dissent,' it added. But 'the road has narrowed beyond passage', the LSD continued, warning that the 'terrain ahead is even more treacherous'. National security laws China imposed a national security law on Hong Kong in 2020, punishing offences such as subversion with the possibility of life imprisonment following mass pro-democracy protests in 2019. Under the legislation, many leading activists were prosecuted or jailed, dozens of civil society groups dissolved and media outlets critical of the government were shuttered. A second set of laws, known as Article 23, was passed in 2024 by the city's pro-Beijing legislature. They punish a range of offences, including treason, sabotage, sedition, the theft of state secrets, external interference and espionage. Sentences range from several years to life imprisonment. The LSD was the only pro-democracy party that still staged small street protests from time to time and held street booth activities to carry on its advocacy despite the risks. While never as popular as the more moderate Democratic Party and Civic Party, it won three seats in the 2008 legislative elections – its best showing. The LSD is widely known for its more aggressive tactics when fighting for change. Its members have thrown bananas, eggs and luncheon meat at officials or pro-Beijing lawmakers as a protest gesture. Its party platform said the group advocated nonviolent resistance but would not avoid physical confrontations – a stance that set it apart from older, traditional pro-democracy groups. 'No other choice' On Sunday, party leader Chan Po-ying did not elaborate on the pressure the LSD received but said she was proud to say the party had still contributed to the city's pro-democracy movement. 'We have stayed true to our original aspirations and haven't let down the trust placed in us by those who went to prison,' she said. 'While we are now forced to disband and feel an ache in our conscience, we have no other choice.' The announcement comes just before Hong Kong, a former British colony, will mark the 28th anniversary of its return to Chinese rule on Tuesday. The city used to witness annual pro-democracy protests on the anniversary and other demonstrations demanding better policies, but those ceased after most organising groups were disbanded and activists were jailed. Critics said the drastic political changes under the security laws reflect Hong Kong's shrinking freedoms despite Beijing's promises to keep them intact after the 1997 handover. But the governments in Beijing and Hong Kong insist the measures are necessary for the city's stability, saying they balance security with safeguarding the rights and freedoms of the city's residents. In April, Hong Kong's biggest pro-democracy party, the Democratic Party, also voted to give its leadership the mandate to move towards a potential disbandment. A final vote is expected at a later date.
Al Jazeera
4 days ago
- Al Jazeera
Americans detained trying to send rice, Bibles, dollar bills to North Korea
South Korean authorities have detained six United States citizens who were attempting to send an estimated 1,300 plastic bottles filled with rice, US dollar bills and Bibles to North Korea by sea, according to news reports. The US suspects were apprehended in the early hours of Friday morning after they were caught trying to release the bottles into the sea from Gwanghwa island, near a restricted front-line border area with North Korea, South Korea's official Yonhap news agency reports. The six were taken into custody after a coastal military unit guarding the area reported them to the police. The area in question is restricted to the public after being designated a danger zone in November due to its proximity to the north. Activists floating plastic bottles or flying balloons across South Korea's border with the north have long caused tensions on the Korean Peninsula. An administrative order banning the launch of anti-Pyongyang propaganda towards the north is already in effect for the area, according to Yonhap. On June 14, police detained an activist for allegedly flying balloons towards North Korea from Gwanghwa Island. Two South Korean police officers confirmed the detentions of the six with The Associated Press news agency but gave no further details. In 2023, South Korea's Constitutional Court struck down a 2020 law that criminalised the sending of leaflets and other items to North Korea, calling it an excessive restriction on free speech. But since taking office in early June, the new liberal government of President Lee Jae-myung is pushing to crack down on such civilian campaigns with other safety-related laws to avoid a flare-up in tensions with North Korea and promote the safety of front-line South Korean residents. Lee took office with a promise to restart long-dormant talks with North Korea and establish peace on the Korean Peninsula. His government has halted front-line anti-Pyongyang propaganda loudspeaker broadcasts, and similar North Korean broadcasts have not been heard in South Korean front-line towns since then. It remains unclear if North Korea will respond to Lee's conciliatory gesture after it pledged last year to sever relations with South Korea and abandon the goal of peaceful Korean reunification. Official talks between the Koreas have been stalled since 2019, when the US-led diplomacy on North Korean denuclearisation derailed.
