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The Spectator letter that marked a turning point in gay history

The Spectator letter that marked a turning point in gay history

Spectator3 days ago

On 3 June 1960, a letter appeared in The Spectator which began:
Sir, We are homosexuals and we are writing because we feel strongly that insufficient is being done to enlighten public opinion on a topic which has for too long been shunned.
The letter was prompted by the government's failure to act upon the recommendation of the 1957 Wolfenden Report that homosexual acts between consenting adults in private should no longer be a criminal offence. This had led to the founding of the Homosexual Law Reform Society (HLRS) in 1958, and it was for this organisation that the letter's three signatories worked as volunteers. The letter was both unusual and brave because the writers had signed their real names at a time when being identified as homosexual risked investigation by the police. As the authors of The Light of Day point out, it also looked forward to future battles for homosexual equality in which acts of public self-declaration became a crucial tactic.
Forty-three years later Christopher Stephens, who was embarking on a Master's degree at Oxford, was asked if he could visit a local man who was blind and needed someone to help with his bills and correspondence and to read to him. This man turned out to be Roger Butler, one of the signatories to the letter. As well as wanting an amanuensis, the 68-year-old Butler was looking for the kind of loving relationship he felt he had missed out on, and with Stephens he found both, although to his regret the friendship remained essentially platonic. Much of what Butler felt was recorded in letters to Stephens that he did not send but left to him on his death in 2011. He had also written memoirs, but never completed them to his satisfaction, and extracts from these and his correspondence have been skilfully integrated into a narrative that is both absorbing and often very moving.
The names of many of those who fought to change the law in the 1950s and 1960s have largely been forgotten, but here we have their work described in detail by an eyewitness. Butler spent his evenings stuffing HLRS leaflets into envelopes in a dingy house in Islington that served as the Society's headquarters, its windows blanked out with whitewash. He was also among those who were gathered together by the sociologist Richard Hauser in order to research The Homosexual Society (1962), a highly unscientific, muddle-headed but fascinating survey commissioned by the Home Office.
Butler's letter provoked a good deal of discussion about homosexuality in both The Spectator and the New Statesman, where a shorter version had been published. In addition it brought a personal letter of congratulation from another forgotten figure, Lionel Fielden, who was about to publish an autobiography titled The Natural Bent,in which he too declared himself homosexual. A former employee of the largely queer Talks Department at the BBC, Fielden had inherited a fortune at the end of the second world war and decamped to Italy, where he lived in considerable splendour with a man called Guido, who combined the roles of lover and factotum. His letters to Butler were nevertheless flirtatious, and although no romance ensued when they met, Butler adopted Fielden as his principal confidant, and much of his story is told through their lively correspondence.
Butler's working title for his memoirs was 'A Shilling Life', taken from a poem by W.H. Auden which he felt suggested that
a life of pottering, gardening, reading and writing letters, of doing small jobs around the house, might be as significant as the life of someone lauded as 'the greatest figure of his day'.
The Light of Day bears this out, although Butler's story is more extraordinary than perhaps he fully realised. He rebuilt his life after he became blind and, with only a rudimentary education to his credit, was accepted to study history at Balliol College, Oxford as a mature student. He may only have got a third, but given the fact that he relied on core texts being read to him and in his finals had to dictate essays to a typist, to have attained a degree at all was, as his tutors recognised, truly remarkable.
More importantly, in this community of his intellectual equals he truly flourished. After graduation he settled in Oxford, determinedly creating a beautiful house he would of course never see and working away on his memoirs. He was taken up by the philosopher Stuart Hampshire and his wife Renée, who invited him to dinner with the likes of Isaiah Berlin and Angus Wilson; while his continuing friendship with Richard Cobb, who had been his moral tutor at Balliol, led to his becoming a trusted sounding board for the books the historian was working on.
Butler's own story is told in tandem with a frank and detailed account of his unusual relationship with Stephens, in a narrative that smoothly shuttles back and forth across time. Far more than a shilling life that gives you all the facts, this book elegantly and touchingly combines biography and history to produce a work of real and enduring value.

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Revealed: the dodgy data undermining Universal Credit
Revealed: the dodgy data undermining Universal Credit

Spectator

timea day ago

  • Spectator

Revealed: the dodgy data undermining Universal Credit

As Sir Keir Starmer offers concessions to 126 rebels to water down his welfare reform bill, a scandal that undermines the entire Universal Credit system goes ignored. The Spectator has seen figures revealing that the HMRC data feed which powers Universal Credit payments to low-paid workers may be so error-strewn that as many as one in four claimants has been underpaid, overpaid or not paid at all. When Universal Credit was introduced 11 years ago to modernise benefits, it required a robust data system to drive it. HMRC's answer was the 'Real Time Information' (RTI) system – hailed at the time as the most significant overhaul of the tax system since PAYE's introduction in 1944. Employers were required to report payroll information every time they paid staff, enabling near real-time benefit calculations. The system was later used to support the Covid furlough scheme. But problems surfaced almost immediately. Financial penalties that were triggered automatically to ensure employers reported earnings records accurately and on time were abandoned after just one use in 2014, almost as soon as the data stream was turned on. A senior official at HMRC said at the time: 'We haven't been able to target them [400,000 automated compliance messages to employers] as sharply as we hoped and they went to people who had complied.' In hindsight, some insiders draw comparisons to the Post Office's Horizon scandal. The implications of flawed RTI data are vast. FTSE 100 companies have seen tax liabilities misstated by millions because what they owe in tax is also calculated using RTI. Businesses have lost faith in the integrity of the figures. This same stream underpins tax assessments for 30 million people and Universal Credit payments for 23 million. Yet the data is routinely late, inaccurate, or missing. The fallout? Missed tax receipts, unpaid benefits – and in the most severe cases, people wrongly accused of fraud. In 2023, I reported that, while the government claimed the RTI error rate was under 1 per cent, figures I obtained showed a monthly error rate closer to 5 per cent. One in 20 Universal Credit claims for working households, it turns out, may be wrongly calculated every month – a figure the government strongly disputes. More recent Freedom of Information requests suggest an error rate as high as 8 per cent, or 2.5 million incorrect records monthly. The benefits bill is unsustainably high and reform is clearly needed These reports in The Spectator led to the shop workers union USDAW including questions about Universal Credit payments in its annual survey to thousands of members. I have now obtained the results. Of those surveyed, some 1,265 said they claimed Universal Credit. Some 23 per cent admitted they had had issues with their UC claims because the details of their households' total pay were wrong at DWP or had an incorrect date shown. That suggests that almost one in four in-work UC claimants have been made a victim of this error that stems from the RTI system. Nearly 29 per cent of those who had experienced an error ended up in financial hardship as a result. Some 22 per cent said they'd experienced issues but not been able to get a satisfactory response from the DWP. The USDAW survey, which is the first of its kind to ask in-work UC claimants if they've experienced errors stemming from RTI, reveals that even the error rate of 4-8 per cent I've previously reported on could be a considerable underestimate. The survey responders are all USDAW members so tend to be people working in lower-paid private-sector roles. 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Starmer's ‘one in, one out' migrant plan will end in failure
Starmer's ‘one in, one out' migrant plan will end in failure

Spectator

timea day ago

  • Spectator

Starmer's ‘one in, one out' migrant plan will end in failure

Britain and France believe they have found a solution to the small boats crisis. According to reports, Keir Starmer and President Emmanuel Macron have agreed to implement a 'one-in, one-out' system whereby Britain will return to France illegal migrants who have crossed the Channel in small boats. Britain, for its part, will accept migrants who have a legitimate case for joining family already resident in the UK. A government source told the Times: 'It'll start as a pilot but it's to prove the point that if you pay for your passage on a boat, then you could quite quickly find yourself back in France.' Under the scheme, Britain and France would process migrants using biometric details and separate those who have a valid claim for family reunification in Britain from those who do not. The latter would be returned to France. The French know a thing or two about 'gimmicks' when it comes to the migrant crisis The scheme could be officially unveiled as early as next week so Starmer has something to celebrate as he marks his first year in power. But is it a deal worth celebrating? This is not the first time Paris and London have solemnly pledged to work together to combat the scourge of illegal immigration. In 2002, Home Secretary David Blunkett and his French counterpart Nicolas Sarkozy announced a deal to close the Sangatte migrant camp at Calais. 'We will also put an end to a symbol – a symbol which was like a magnet for immigrants who thought that by coming there they would find a way into the UK,' declared Sarkozy. The deal did little to stop the migrants, so in 2014 another deal was signed, in which Britain handed over €15 million to France. A year later another treaty was hammered out, this one signed by Theresa May and Bernard Cazeneuve. The pair put pen to paper on 20 August. Eleven days later Angela Merkel threw open Europe's borders to more than one million refugees and migrants with her now infamous cry of 'Wir schaffen das!'. As The Spectator remarked a few days later: 'She has exacerbated a problem that will be with us for years, perhaps decades.' Between 2014 and the end of 2022, Britain paid France £232 million to better manage their shared border. In March 2023, Britain handed over an additional £500 million, money well spent, according to the then prime minister Rishi Sunak. 'Working together, the UK and France will ensure that nobody can exploit our systems with impunity,' he declared, promising that the money would 'put an end to this disgusting trade in human life'. Nearly 37,000 people arrived in England illegally on small boats in 2024, 7,000 more than in 2023. So far this year, more than 18,000 have crossed (a 42 per cent increase on the same period in 2024) – a figure that is likely to surge over the summer as the traffickers take advantage of the good weather. The Tories were quick to criticise this latest scheme. Chris Philp, the shadow home secretary, said that 'the French are failing to stop the boats at sea…and now instead of demanding real enforcement, Labour are trying a one in, one out gimmick'. The French know a thing or two about 'gimmicks' when it comes to the migrant crisis, as they do about broken presidential promises. The French people long ago stopped believing a word Emmanuel Macron says about solving their own migrant chaos. In July 2017, for example, two months into his presidency, Macron declared that he wanted: Administrative processing everywhere, from the very first minute, to determine whether an asylum application can be made or not, followed by a genuine policy of deportation. There was no processing, however, and as vast numbers of migrants continued to arrive in France, Macron came up with a new wheeze: instead of returning them whence they came, illegal immigrants would be dispersed in the provinces. The announcement of this plan, in 2022, was a political gift to Marine Le Pen's National Rally, and helps explain the party's electoral success in recent years. According to the Times, under the one-in, one-out scheme, illegal migrants will be 'returned to locations across France, away from its northern coast'. Le Pen's party will oppose such a project, as will the centre-right Republicans. The coalition government under Francois Bayrou is teetering on the brink after talks over pension reform collapsed earlier this week. The left have filed a vote of no confidence in Bayrou but Le Pen has said her party won't endorse it. The right are propping up the government, for the time being, but their support could easily be withdrawn – over a migrant relocation scheme, for example. This latest plan to solve the small boats crisis will play out like every other since 2002: a firm handshake, a media fanfare and a complete failure.

Trump hates the media. This is the one journalist he loves
Trump hates the media. This is the one journalist he loves

Times

time2 days ago

  • Times

Trump hates the media. This is the one journalist he loves

The whizzing noise could have been mistaken for fireworks, but Salena Zito owned a gun and knew the sound of one. Those were shots flying over her head in Donald Trump's direction. Four of them. Zito was in Butler, Pennsylvania, on July 13 last year because she was a local journalist and Trump was her beat. She had chronicled his upset win in 2016, his loss in 2020, his political exile, his unlikely comeback. Minutes earlier she had been backstage talking to the president about his re-election campaign, and he was upbeat. Now she was standing only four feet away from the biggest moment of his campaign, possibly his life. As blood trickled down his cheek and Secret Service agents stormed the stage, Trump raised his fist in the air and shouted 'USA!' Amid the chaos, Zito had been pinned to the ground by a security detail. Her shocked face and splayed-out legs, clad in her signature cowboy boots, were broadcast live on Fox News. Her daughter, a photographer, and son-in-law were all next to her, also on the ground. 'I knew I was a witness to history,' Zito told me. But also, she said, 'I had a job to do.' • Meet Zohran Mamdani, the man who promises to make NYC affordable That meant filing a piece the next day, breaking the news that Trump was ripping up the speech he had planned to give at the Republican National Convention later that week. 'The speech will be a lot different, a lot different than it would've been two days ago,' he told Zito. 'This is a chance to bring the whole country, even the whole world, together.' 'If there was any doubt,' Zito said of Trump's chances of re-election before then, 'Butler sealed the deal.' Zito writes about this pivotal moment in her new book, Butler. She has already sold the rights to Pennsylvania-based Pensé Productions, which plans to make a film about that day and her decade covering Trump, first as a reporter for her local paper and now as a full-time journalist for the Washington Examiner. For the past ten years, Zito has portrayed the Maga base with affection — an approach that critics say makes her too sympathetic and cosy with the president. But it has also given her an advantage: she correctly called Trump's win in 2016 when everyone believed he would lose, earning her the nickname 'the Trump whisperer'. 'It's not that I'm particularly brilliant, it has to do with where I come from,' she told me over a video call from her tidy home in western Pennsylvania, her untamed curls threatening to take up the entirety of my screen. 'I've watched these voters move from the left to the centre-right with Trump,' she said. 'People in western Pennsylvania decide elections and they aren't understood by the mainstream media.' In a 2016 piece for The Atlantic, Zito explained why Trump — a brash and wealthy playboy from New York, running on a Republican ticket — was winning old-school working-class Democrats. 'The press takes him literally, but not seriously; his supporters take him seriously, but not literally,' she wrote. Her ability to read the pulse of Maga has meant that Trump himself has expressed a fondness for her that is surprising, considering his disdain for the media. Backstage before his rallies, he sometimes calls her 'my Salena', and since his second inauguration, they have spoken on the phone twice and text each other often, she told me. 'It comes in spurts,' she said of his texting. 'But it's always with a purpose.' • Trump should not defy judges' orders, exclusive poll says Last month, speaking to a group of workers at a steel plant in West Mifflin, Pennsylvania, the president said of Zito, who was in the crowd: 'She understands people and me, better than we do.' Zito laughed as she told me that Trump's communication team texted her before that event: 'So, Salena, how would you like to go on Air Force One?' At first, Zito hesitated, thinking about the logistics of it all. 'The plant is in my backyard. It's nine miles from my house,' she said. She would have to travel to Washington to catch a flight on Air Force One to the plant and then fly back to the capital, which is a four-hour drive from her home town of Murrysville. But the invitation was from the president, and she accepted. Initially, Zito sat in a conference room on Air Force One until White House press secretary, Karoline Leavitt, came to collect her. 'Karoline said, 'No, no, no, Salena, come back here, the president wants you to come up and sit with him,'' Zito recalled. 'I went into the executive suite, sat down across from President Trump and rode the whole way with him.' I asked what they talked about on board. 'He was just really happy for me,' Zito said. 'He said, 'You work really hard. That's one thing I really like about you, Salena, is that you work really hard.'' Zito said she and the president would always 'be tied together', not only because of his unique fondness for her, but because of where she's from. 'One of Trump's superpowers is that he's most curious about the people who do the jobs: police officers, janitors, beauticians,' she said. 'He understands that the American people have been lacking that sort of connective tissue with the person that's leading the country.' Zito, who grew up in western Pennsylvania and never left, came to journalism late in life. In her mid-thirties, while going through a divorce and raising two kids, she got a job working for the Pennsylvania senator Arlen Specter. It was there, she said, that she developed a feel for local politics and the average people affected by them. People like her. 'I've worked at a sewer treatment plant. I've been a shampoo girl, a cafeteria lady. I've worked in a daycare centre,' said Zito, 65, a grandmother of four children aged two to nine. Eventually she became a political reporter covering steel country for the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review. To properly capture her subjects, Zito says she doesn't take 'interstates or highways, only back roads', because 'I would miss what is happening on the ground. That's where you see where the country is going.' That is why Scott Sander, the owner and co-founder of Pensé Productions, told me he wanted to make a movie about Zito's life, which is expected to be released next year. Sander, who produces movies about 'real people and real stories', praised Zito's doggedness in covering the heartland and its people. 'She's the living embodiment of the type of journalist that is desperately needed and swiftly dying,' he said. 'She's very adept about interacting with people and finding the truth about the story.' Zito has been accused, by other outlets, of bias in her coverage of Trump, focusing more on feelings than facts. In 2018, she was accused of making up quotes and plagiarising her stories — claims she refuted in a piece for the New York Post. She says many journalists do not like her style of reporting about Trump's base because they 'despise and don't understand who they cover', adding that she is 'fine with her objectivity'. (Like many in her state, Zito has fluctuated in her party allegiance: she became a registered Democrat in 1977 before switching to the Republican party in 1998.) • Change of tune as Donald Trump praises Zelensky and criticises Putin But even Zito has not escaped Trump's accusations of being a 'fake news' journalist. After she interviewed the newly re-elected governor of Florida, Ron DeSantis, in 2023 when he was eyeing his own presidential run, Trump posted an angry message on Truth Social accusing her of writing a 'puff piece'. She said she found the post 'funny'. One year later, Trump called her and gave her his personal phone number. The next time she came face to face with him was backstage in Butler, minutes before he was shot. She told Trump that she was convinced Pennsylvania was leaning red again, after breaking for Joe Biden in 2020. 'Interesting,' Trump replied. By the end of that day, Zito realised that the horror in Butler — and Trump's reaction to it — had probably won him re-election. Was it just a photo-op, I asked. Or was he truly defiant and composed in the face of death? The day after the shooting, Trump called her. 'He told me he needed to show strength and resoluteness so that the American people wouldn't panic,' Zito said. 'He wanted to make sure that people knew it was OK, that the country was going to be OK.' But, she said, Trump cannot forget Corey Comperatore, the 50-year-old firefighter and father of two who was killed that day. 'I don't think that'll ever leave him,' Zito said. 'There is a deep sadness within him. The thing that has hit him the hardest is that someone died because they came to see him.' When I suggested we might have moved on too quickly from that day, the near assassination of a former and future president having got lost in our fast-moving news cycle, Zito agreed. But she said she thought Trump's speed and intensity — the social media posts, the sudden immigration raids, the Doge cuts, the recent attack on Iran — were driven by the fact that he almost died one year ago in Butler. Zito said Trump believes there was 'a reason he was saved'. 'He believes he has this obligation as someone who was saved to live up to that moment. The swiftness with which this new administration is acting is reflective of that day,' she said. 'There's this urgency of 'now'. The realisation that we are not always guaranteed a tomorrow.' Read an excerpt from Butler (Hachette), out July 8

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