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Parliament must be final arbiter on Treaty

Parliament must be final arbiter on Treaty

We are witnessing a tussle between the courts and Parliament as to who is in charge.
Likewise we are seeing a struggle to establish whether Parliament is sovereign and whether we are all equal before the law.
The Treaty Principles Bill was the first cab off the rank to address these issues.
That has been relegated to history.
Now we have before Parliament the Regulatory Standards Bill which is likely to become law.
These two Bills have much in common.
They have both been described by those who don't like them as likely to destroy all we hold dear in New Zealand.
They both speak of principles and how they should be applied.
They both speak to the idea that all in New Zealand should be treated equally by our laws.
They also both attempt to put into legislation clarity about what the government intends, which reduces the opportunity and duty of the courts to interpret what was meant.
The Regulatory Standards Bill comes with an explanatory note which describes its aim as to reduce the amount of poor and unnecessary regulation by increasing transparency and clarity about where legislation does not meet particular standards.
It is also intended to bring the same discipline to regulatory management that we have for fiscal management.
Whether it will achieve these things is arguable. However, some of the criticisms are not entirely fair.
This Bill is criticised for not protecting public health, the environment or Māori rights.
It would be a big ask indeed if this Bill, or indeed any Bill, were to attempt to provide such protections.
It has been criticised for treating property rights as above social good in various areas.
We have for many years had rules about how the government can legally take over people's property and when, and how proper compensation works.
This Bill does not change that situation.
The underlying role of the Regulatory Standards Bill is to give guidance as to what good legislation looks like, using principles which are for the most part unexceptional. The Bill does not stop the government of the day passing ill-thought-out, bad or otherwise not best practice legislation. It merely obliges reports which allow the public to understand that it is, or may be, poor legislation.
Why this Bill causes concern to some is partly founded on the idea that the principles these reports would be based on include that all people should treated equally.
This concerns those who consider the Treaty to require different laws for different New Zealanders.
The other major concern is that providing clarity around whether the legislation is good legislation highlights the effect of producing legislation which is fluffy and unclear. This provides a gap which allows the courts to interpret legislation in whatever way they choose.
For some, the idea of the courts determining what the law should be is preferable to parliament deciding.
Both of these concerns are gathered together in criticism of this Bill being against the Treaty principles, which concerned people do not seem to want clarified by legislation.
To confuse matters further, there has been a hold on the Treaty settlement between the Crown and Ngapuhi, on the basis that the Crown is not prepared to do a deal which contains the idea that Ngapuhi does not accept parliament as sovereign.
How it makes sense to for either party to accept that one party does not have the power to commit to the settlement is confusing at best.
The High Court has decided (in a case against the Marlborough District Council) that councils are not treaty partners from a legal standpoint: they are only obliged to follow the requirements of the Local Government Act.
The councillors around the Dunedin City Council table have attempted to add value by telling the government what laws it should pass and why local bylaws should not be subject to being flagged if they are not objectively robust and well thought out.
This is all unhelpful when the general basis of our laws in New Zealand is the government makes laws, courts make decisions about how to apply the laws, and if Parliament does not like the interpretation it clarifies what it meant by passing new laws.
Sooner or later we have to get to a position where Parliament is the final arbiter on what the Treaty obliges government and local government to do.
It would also be helpful if we accept that we are all entitled to be told if Parliament is proposing unclear and otherwise poor laws.
Parliament has turned down the opportunity in the Treaty Principles Bill of having a referendum on how we all think the principles in the Treaty should be interpreted.
But we still need to engage with the issue of who does decide, whether it be Māori, Parliament or the courts.
Whatever we decide will be a change from the current arrangement where the courts are left to decide about issues around our Treaty privileges, obligations and duties.
Leaving it to the courts to decide by Parliament making laws that are unclear is not the best answer.
We do not all have access to the court systems, with or without state sponsored funding.
We all do have a vote.
• Hilary Calvert is a former Otago regional councillor, MP and Dunedin city councillor.
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Controversial regulation bill heads into four days of hearings
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Controversial regulation bill heads into four days of hearings

Parliament's Finance and Expenditure select committee is reconvening to hear public submissions on the lightning rod Regulatory Standards Bill. The bill - championed by ACT's David Seymour - sets out "principles of responsible regulation" and would require ministers to explain whether they are following them. It would also set up a new board to assess legislation against those benchmarks. RNZ deputy political editor Craig McCulloch is with us.

Watch live: Hearings begin into Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill
Watch live: Hearings begin into Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill

RNZ News

time43 minutes ago

  • RNZ News

Watch live: Hearings begin into Seymour's Regulatory Standards Bill

Analysis : A week of political scrutiny lies ahead for one of the government's most polarising bills, dubbed by some critics as "Treaty Principles 2.0". Starting Monday morning, the Finance and Expenditure select committee will reconvene for about 30 hours over four days to hear public submissions on the lightning rod Regulatory Standards Bill . The bill - championed by ACT's David Seymour - sets out "principles of responsible regulation" and would require ministers to explain whether they are following them. It would also set up a new board to assess legislation against those benchmarks. But while it may sound dry and technical, the legislation has become a flashpoint in a wider debate about the country's constitution, te Tiriti o Waitangi, and competing ideologies. Among the submitters on day one: former prime minister Sir Geoffrey Palmer, former Green MP Darleen Tana, Transpower, and the Royal Australian and NZ College of Psychiatrists. The bill - championed David Seymour - sets out "principles of responsible regulation". Photo: RNZ / Cole Eastham-Farrelly The bill lists principles that Seymour believes should guide all law-making. These include: Ministers introducing new laws would have to declare whether they meet these standards, and justify those that do not. The new Regulatory Standards Board - appointed by the Minister for Regulation - could also review older laws and make non-binding recommendations. "We need to make regulating less rewarding for politicians by putting more sunlight on their activities," Seymour told Parliament in May. Opposition to the bill has been intense. An early round of consultation last year attracted about 23,000 submissions, with 88 percent in opposition and just 0.33 percent in support. Seymour has dismissed that as "meaningless" and initially claimed many of the submissions had been created by "bots". He later walked that back, but maintained they were driven by non-representative online campaigns. It is true campaign groups have provided templates for submissions or even offered to write them on people's behalf. But the pushback has come from far and wide: lawyers, academics, advocacy groups and public servants. Even Seymour's own Ministry of Regulation has raised concerns. Seymour has labelled much of the criticism "alarmist" and grounded in misinformation. He's also targetted some critics on social media, accusing them of having "derangement syndrome" and conspiracy thinking. The most common criticisms are: 1. That it elevates ACT's values above all else Critics argue the bill embeds ACT's political ideology into law, particularly its emphasis on individual rights and private property, while ignoring other considerations. Notably, te Tiriti o Waitangi is not mentioned in the bill - an omission which critics fear could undermine the Treaty's legal status and influence. Seymour says he has yet to hear a convincing reason why the Treaty should get special consideration when evaluating good law-making. Critics also object to the principle of individual property rights being given prominence over, say, collective rights. They fear the bill could dissuade governments from introducing rules that protect the environment, or restrictions on tobacco and alcohol, because that might be seen as breaching the listed principles. Even though the government could still pass those laws, critics worry it would send a message that profits and property are more important than public health or environmental protections. For his part, Seymour is unapologetic about the principles proposed and open that he wants to reset the culture of government. "If you want to tax someone, take their property, and restrict their livelihood, you can, but you'll actually have to show why it's in the public interest," Seymour says. 2. That it's a solution in search of a problem New Zealand already has a raft of systems in place to check laws are made properly. For example, Cabinet's Legislation Guidelines require ministers to follow best practice principles - including the rule of law, human rights compliance and consultation. The Legislation Design and Advisory Committee, made up of experts and officials, also provides detailed feedback on bills, and Treasury checks the impact of major policy decisions. As well, Justice officials and Crown Law conduct Bill of Rights vetting of legislation, with the Attorney-General required to report any breaches. Critics say this bill just adds another layer of process - increasing cost and workload for little benefit. To that, Seymour says: "If the public service think being required to justify their laws is a faff, imagine what it's like for the public they have to serve who are obliged to follow them." 3. That it is a corporate power grab A lingering concern has been whether the bill could open the government up to legal challenges or claims for compensation - especially from large corporations. Among its principles, the bill does include the concept that property should not usually be taken without consent and "fair compensation". But the legislation also clearly states that it does not create any new legal rights or obligation enforceable through the courts. That means companies would not have a new avenue to sue the government if a law affected their property or profits. Still, critics argue that simply embedding the principle in law could alter expectations over time. Businesses or lobby groups, for example, might point to it to put pressure on ministers to avoid certain policies. As well, lawyers say the courts could take note of the new principles when interpreting legislation or reviewing regulatory decisions elsewhere. The National-ACT coalition agreement includes a firm commitment to pass the bill through into law - though not necessarily in its current form. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon says the government will pay close attention to the select committee process and remains open to changes. "The devil is in the detail," he told reporters on Friday. New Zealand First leader Winston Peters has described the bill as "a work in progress" and has indicated his party wants changes. He has not specified which provisions in particular concern him. The opposition parties, Labour, the Greens and Te Pāti Māori, have already promised to repeal the bill if elected next year. That means, for all the noise, the bill's practical impact may be limited, affecting only the parties introducing it - which presumably would adhere to these principles whether they were codified in law or not. The select committee hearings will run from 8:30am till 5pm, Monday through Thursday. 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