
Luxon snaps back at 'frickin' Hipkins over FamilyBoost
Prime Minister Christopher Luxon has challenged Labour to front up with any policy at all as he comes under pressure over National's struggling childcare support scheme.
The comment was made after Labour revealed just 153 families had received the maximum FamilyBoost rebate - well short of National's pre-election promise that 21,000 families would be eligible for the full amount.
Speaking on his way into a caucus meeting this morning, Luxon rejected Labour's characterisation of the policy as a failure.
"I'm not taking any any lectures from frickin' Chris Hipkins or the Labour Party," he told reporters. "They have no idea what to do. They put us in this mess.
"You can stand on the other side and criticise as much as you like, but I don't see any policy from Labour."
Luxon said 60,000 families had received some support from the FamilyBoost policy and another 20,000 would soon be eligible due to recent tweaks to the eligibility settings.
"Isn't that great? We have put a programme in place which Labour didn't support, didn't vote, don't back, because they don't back low-and-middle-income working New Zealanders."
The former Labour government extended cheaper childcare to parents of two-year-olds, giving them access to 20 hours a week of free early childhood education.
On taking office, the coalition reversed that policy and instead rolled out its more targeted FamilyBoost scheme - a weekly rebate on childcare costs. 'Absolute flop'
Responding to Luxon's comments, Labour leader Chris Hipkins said National's refusal to admit the FamilyBoost scheme was "an absolute flop" showed it was completely out of touch.
"They're getting really desperate. On a daily basis, they're attacking me and attacking the Labour Party rather than talking about their own track record."
He defended Labour's lack of public policy, saying that would all be laid out in full before next year's general election.
"We're not even close to an election campaign at the moment," Hipkins said. "But unlike him, when we go into the election campaign next year, I will make sure that the policies that we have add up."
Labour wanted to see the government's next Budget before it outlined significant policies which would cost money, he said, and suggested a lot of policy work was under way in the background.
"The National Party desperately wants to talk about the Labour Party's policy at the moment because their own policies are turning into an absolute disaster zone."
National also came under criticism when it was in opposition for a paucity of policy heading into the 2023 election year, but it had released elements of its tax plan and several discussion documents indicating a direction of travel.

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NZ Herald
an hour ago
- NZ Herald
Aaron Smale: Why politicians don't take the Māori vote seriously
Listening to articles is free for open-access content—explore other articles or learn more about text-to-speech. Christopher Luxon's indifference reflects the larger issue of the major parties ignoring Māori as a voting bloc. Photo / Getty Images Whoever the press secretary is for Christopher Luxon these days, they might want to have a weekend bootcamp teaching him how to keep his foot out of his mouth. Apart from when he uses corporate gibberish to masquarade as an answer, on the rare occasion Luxon says something pithy, it often turns out to be an absolute clanger. Luxon tossed off one such clanger when he questioned whether the September 6 by-election for the Māori electorate seat of Tāmaki Makaurau would be a real fight or 'a pillow fight'. (Kind of ironic given the real pillow fight is in the Epsom seat, which National hands to Act every three years.) A by-election will be held in Tāmaki Makaurau because the person who held the seat, Takutai Tarsh Kemp, recently died. And she held the seat because the voters of that electorate put her there, unlike some party list mediocrity like, well, take your pick. Luxon's comment was flippant at best and disrespectful to both the late MP and her constituents. So, no, it's not a pillow fight, it's a vote in the largest Polynesian city in the world. But Luxon's indifference to Māori voters in the coming by-election reflects the larger issue of the major parties mostly ignoring Māori as a voting bloc. One of the underlying reasons for this was first pointed out to me by my sixth form history teacher at Edgecumbe College, Gerry Rowlands, an American originally from Florida, a southern state with all the history that entails. Mr Rowlands posed a hypothetical idea that Māori would be better off all going on the general roll and getting rid of the Māori seats altogether. His rationale was that the electorate we were in was often held by National because of the high number of Pākehā farmers. But if Māori all went on the general roll, then National – and Labour, for that matter – would actually have to compete for the Māori vote to win. The then-named Eastern Māori seat went from the Bay of Plenty all the way around the East Coast and down to Wairarapa and Wellington. This area has one of the highest Māori populations in the country and the election campaigns in the general electorate seats would look completely different if all Māori went on the general roll. Mr Rowlands didn't say this but I don't think he'd disagree – the Māori seats are acting as a passive version of what Americans call gerrymandering. That is, Māori are being electorally contained – or at least split – and thereby robbed of their actual voting power by the Māori seats. The Māori vote has been ghettoised; every Māori who goes on the Māori roll is a Māori the candidates and the elected MPs in the general seats can ignore. And they do. Back to Auckland and the present day. One of Luxon's long catalogue of gaffes since taking up National's leadership was encouraging women to have babies to boost the flagging population. He quickly backtracked. Women have fought long and hard to have control over their fertility and some male politician telling them to start banging out babies for the national cause wasn't landing well. But what Luxon dimly recognised was that Pākehā numbers are in the early stages of decline, and this decline will only accelerate as the 34% of the Pākehā population that is over the age of 55 falls off the perch at an increasing rate. Luxon doesn't seem to recognise, even dimly, that Māori and Polynesian populations are rising steadily. Listen to Luxon's political messaging and it's as if Māori don't exist in his calculations. Labour's Chris Hipkins isn't any better, and in some respects he's worse. When Māori became a political target, he, like Helen Clark before him, dropped them like a hot hāngī rock so he could appear non-threatening to old, white people. The coalition government has had a free run in its attack on Māori because Hipkins does little to stand up for them, or articulate in any coherent way why what's good for Māori is good for everyone. He'd rather let Te Pāti Māori take the flak. Te Pāti Māori has become a convenient – and, it must be said, easy – political target. But those who bear the brunt of the political attack are actually their voters. Their interests get drowned out in all the posturing from across the political spectrum. The merits of the Tāmaki Makaurau candidates – Peeni Henare for Labour, Oriini Kaipara for Te Pāti Māori and Hannah Tamaki for Vision New Zealand – are open to serious question. But National, NZ First, Act, and even the Greens, have disqualified themselves from any part in the conversation, because they haven't bothered to put up candidates. Māori are at the pointy end of issues that concern everyone, particularly those of a younger generation: the cost of housing, the cost of living, the environment and the future of employment. The economic and social direction of South Auckland and other regions of the country with high Māori populations is the direction of the country as a whole. It's a bare-knuckle fight for the future of the nation. Mr Luxon is just too scared to even get in the ring.


The Spinoff
2 hours ago
- The Spinoff
Windbag: The clown car of candidates vying to be Wellington's next mayor
Twelve candidates – including at least one actual clown – have put up their hands for the worst job in local politics. As the clock struck noon on Friday, August 1, the candidate nominations closed for the Wellington mayoral race. The capital entered a new era. The transition of power has begun. By October 11 (or October 16 if it's a really close race), the capital will have a new overlord. A new man or woman will seize the chains of power – and with it, the ability to grant the key to the city to any cat they choose. There are 12 candidates in the race, ranging from very serious to not serious at all. This is my rough attempt to sort them into tiers. Serious candidates Andrew Little You know him, you love him (or more realistically, have no particularly strong feelings about him)… It's Andrew Little. The former Labour Party leader and senior cabinet minister under the Ardern government is by far the most credible and experienced candidate in the race. He has left-wing bona fides but a conservative temperament. He's unlikely to propose any game-changing reforms, but he's a steady hand who promises stability. He's announced policies to introduce a weekly cap on bus and train fares, committed to funding community facilities, and proposed some boring-but-sensible rules to make council decisions more transparent. Alex Baker Pitches himself as a Green-aligned candidate with a free-market approach to housing policy and business regulation. A former director of sustainability at Kāinga Ora and a chartered accountant at KPMG, he has solid back-room experience, but this is his first time seeking public office. He's pushing a switch to land value rates and cuts to commercial rates. He wants more bike lanes and bus lanes, further reforms to encourage high-density housing development, and an overall focus on growing the city's population. Diane Calvert A third-term city councillor, Diane Calvert entered the race after Ray Chung's campaign self-destructed, and immediately became the most credible candidate on the centre-right. She typically takes fiscally conservative stances and is a fan of more extensive community consultation on most council decisions. She has generally opposed bike lanes and the Golden Mile, and supported community projects in her Wharangi/Onslow-Western ward, such as the Khandallah Pool and Karori Event Centre. Her campaign policies so far are based around a 'back-to-basics' approach, with lower council expenditure, more regional collaboration with other councils, and a focus on suburban voices. Karl Tiefenbacher The founder of the Kaffe Eis ice cream chain and former banker has run twice unsuccessfully in Pukehīnau/Lambton ward. This year, he's seeking the mayoralty as well as running in Motukairangi/Eastern ward, which should be more receptive to his centre-right views. He's become a regular attendee at council meetings, and his opinion pieces on Scoop show a good grasp of council functions (which in this race is saying a lot). He's campaigning on reduced spending, cutting cycleways, and reforms to encourage faster housing consents and to incentivise the growth of the tech sector. Unserious candidates (who think they're serious) Ray Chung A few months ago, Ray Chung was the highest-polling candidate. Then his campaign blew up with the emergence of tawdry emails he'd written about the mayor, which he repeated in live radio interviews. He handled the backlash ineptly and candidates started fleeing his ticket so fast that Independent Together became Independent Not Together. He's campaigning on zero rates increases but has not provided any numbers to show how he would do that. Ray Chung has never been fit for office Rob Goulden Goulden was a Wellington City Councillor for four terms from 1998-2010. According to reporting by Stuff in 2009, he was accused of being 'too combative, too aggressive, too intimidating' and was eventually trespassed from the council offices. Then mayor Kerry Prendergast said councillors were concerned by 'his increasingly erratic behaviour and his mood swings' and '[Some of the] women staff will not meet with him one-to-one.' Then-councillor John Morrison, a former political ally, said he was 'unfit for public office'. Goulden is running on a fiscally conservative platform, but no one is paying much attention to him. Kelvin Hastie Came a distant sixth in the 2022 mayoral election and is running again despite doing little to grow his profile in the intervening years. Describes himself as a ' predator-free hero ' and ' community champion '. Has promoted some ambitious but questionable policies, including a six-lane tunnel underneath the CBD, a roof on Sky Stadium, and selling the council's social housing to first home buyers. Joan Shi Previously ran in the Pukehīnau/Lambton ward byelection, during which she seemed well-intentioned but didn't have a particularly strong grasp of the issues. Says she wants to fix the pipes, cut rates, and make public transport cheaper. Donald 'Newt' McDonald A beloved figure on local Facebook groups and a star guest on Guy Williams' New Zealand Today podcast. McDonald has some big ideas for how to fix the city. Unfortunately, most people struggle to understand what he is trying to say. Unserious candidates (who know they're unserious) William Pennywize (Pennywize the Rewilding Clown) Wants to turn the Basin Reserve into a swamp, repopulate the Golden Mile with moa, and use genetically enhanced tuna as the foundation for a new public transport network. Josh Harford (Aotearoa New Zealand Silly Hat Party) Campaigning on subsidised pizza delivery, publicly accessible cows, a lazy river on Courtenay Place, anti-rain dances to keep the sky sunny, a legally enforced no-hat-no-play policy, and mandatory optimism. Scott Caldwell Founder of the Scoot Foundation, which, depending on who you ask, is either a shadowy global cabal of Yimbys whose power and influence rivals the Atlas Network, or a Twitter account that he runs. He's a spokesperson for the Coalition for More Homes and is a genuine expert on housing density and infrastructure. There's just one problem: he lives in Auckland, and according to The Spinoff's sources, has only been to Wellington once.


NZ Herald
2 hours ago
- NZ Herald
New Zealand's largest infrastructure event begins
Close to 1000 delegates are expected, making this one of the largest events in the summit's near two decades' history. ANZ chief executive Antonia Watson will give the opening address, followed by Finance Minister Nicola Willis speaking for the Government. ANZ chief executive Antonia Watson. Photo / Mark Mitchell All eyes will be focused on Minister for Infrastructure, Housing, RMA Reform and Transport Chris Bishop who will speak to the Government's vision for delivering a 'resilient, future-ready infrastructure system'. He will share insights on long-term planning, funding priorities, and the critical policy shifts needed to drive delivery and improve outcomes across the country. The first international keynote speaker, Andrew Tan, will talk to one of New Zealand's most pressing issues — how to build a bipartisan vision to drive infrastructure investment. A former Temasek International managing director with a prior three-decades career spanning high-profile roles in Singapore's senior administrative service, Tan will explore how bipartisan approaches can unlock long-term investment, accelerate delivery and lift national productivity. The keynote address is billed as challenging delegates to think beyond political cycles and focus on the partnerships, policies, and funding strategies that can transform infrastructure outcomes for generations to come. 'As a nation, we have always viewed infrastructure as strategic to the country's economic growth, prosperity and well-being,' says Tan. 'This cuts across the political spectrum. 'There is broad-based recognition that sustained investment in core infrastructure such as roads, ports, airport and public housing have been an essential element of Singapore's competitive advantage. 'Singaporeans themselves expect no less.' Bishop and Labour's Infrastructure spokesperson, Kieran McAnulty, will later take the conference inside the in-depth discussions on cross-party collaboration taking place, which are critical to unlocking long-term infrastructure progress. On the international front, Tan will be tomorrow by followed by former Taoiseach (Prime Minister) of Ireland Leo Varadkar, who will take the stage to talk on excellence in delivery and ensuring equitable outcomes. He is billed as bringing a global perspective on how governments can deliver major infrastructure projects that not only meet performance targets but also ensure fairness and equity for communities. Leo Varadkar, former Taoiseach of Ireland Varadkar served as Taoiseach from 2017 to 2020 and from 2022 to 2024. Through the Project Ireland 2040 plan, investment in public infrastructure budget more than doubled during his time as Prime Minister from under €6b a year to more than €12b a year with major investments in transport, rural broadband, energy, climate action, healthcare and education. Other sessions will include presentations from Regional Development Minister Shane Jones and Labour leader Chris Hipkins. Infrastructure New Zealand's Strategy and Engagement Manager Katie Bradford, who is also the summit's MC, will host a range of panels throughout the two days. Bradford notes the symposium is an opportunity to explore practical, systems-based thinking for sustainable growth. 'Building Nations provides a platform for the industry to engage in and explore how we can do things differently, using our existing infrastructure more effectively and investing in the right assets to achieve a coherent vision for Aotearoa's infrastructure.' The 2025 programme also includes focused sessions on Treaty partnership, regional collaboration, and community inclusion. Panels will examine how the infrastructure sector can work in true partnership with Māori, unlock the potential of local government, and embed diversity and accessibility into infrastructure planning. Winners of the Building Nations Impact awards will be announced at a gala dinner tonight. ● Programme is at Singapore keeps its infrastructure in good health Andrew Tan has a message: 'Singapore transformed itself from a Third World to First World country by putting in place a first-class infrastructure that enhances our global hub status and connectivity with rest of the world, including our region.' The city state lacks both natural resources and a natural hinterland. The upshot is the Singaporean Government takes a long-term view towards infrastructure, starting with optimal land use to balance the needs of current versus future generations. 'We have developed long-term concept plans and master plans for the whole island, taking a 30-40 years' timeframe down to actionable five-year timeframes,' says Tan. 'The beauty is not in the planning but having a process that allows close co-ordination across government departments along with consultations with the private sector and civil society, to the final execution of these plans. This requires trust and confidence in the process, transparency and open communications, especially in land sales/allocation, bidding for projects and their evaluation.' Andrew Tan was formerly managing director with Temasek International; a global investment firm headquartered in Singapore. He joined as an operating partner in the Enterprise Development Group, and later as managing director of the new Strategy Office.' Singapore looks after its infrastructure. Photo / 123rf Prior to joining Temasek, Tan spent nearly three decades with the Singapore Administrative Service in senior positions across key agencies across defence and foreign affairs, environment and water resources and transport. He also served in the Prime Minister's Office as the principal private secretary to Senior Minister/Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew. He later became CEO of the National Environment Agency and founding director of the Centre for Liveable Cities, He was also CEO of the Maritime and Port Authority of Singapore (MPA). These days he holds a number or private sector roles. Tan makes the point the bulk of the funding for basic infrastructure in Singapore comes from the Government's budget. 'Over the decades, the Government has been able to generate surpluses as well as maintain healthy reserves. This allows government agencies responsible for key infrastructure as public housing, transport, schools/universities and hospitals and other social facilities to be upkept,' he explains. 'It has been a central tenet of the Government not to allow any public infrastructure to deteriorate beyond its normal lifespan. It is a reflection of the state of the country and how well it is run. Further, the upgrading of existing infrastructure, such as public housing has led to their values rising over the years for homeowners.' Andrew Tan speaking in Auckland in 2023. It has been a central tenet of the Government not to allow any public infrastructure to deteriorate beyond its normal lifespan. Andrew Tan He says in recent years, the Singaporean Government has also undertaken several private-public sector projects on a design-build-own-operate basis (DBOO) as well as leveraged on bonds to finance major infrastructure projects such as transport network and public utilities, eg desalination water plants and waste-to-energy plants. Notably, as part of Singapore's climate change and green transition efforts, the public sector will take the lead to issue green bonds of up to S$35 billion of green bonds by 2030. This will serve as a reference for the corporate green bond market, deepen market liquidity as well as attract issuers, capital and investors for green financing. Tan adds, beyond public infrastructure, through the Government Land Sales (GLS) Programme, land is also sold to the private sector for various development purposes. Rather than simply outright sales of land, the GLS allows the Government to shape the developments in line with its strategic objectives based on various planning parameters and built-in incentives. 'It has been used for urban renewal after our independence, later, positioning Singapore as a tourism hub, and business and financial hub in the 2000s, as well as heritage and conservation needs. This ensures that other than receiving revenues from land sales, land is optimised for the greater well-being of the country.' Through the Long-Term Planning Review (LTPR) led by the Urban Redevelopment Authority (URA), the Singapore Government engages the private sector and civil society to define the key features of how they envision Singapore in the future. In the recent review, for example, four themes emerged from public consultations - a Singapore that is Inclusive; Adaptable and Resilient; Sustainable, and Distinctive & Endearing. This feeds into the overall long-term strategies. Tan says the URA has also partnered community and business groups to support ground-up ideas for local precincts and neighbourhoods such as for mixed-use developments involving the Singapore River Precinct, Tanjong Pagar, Marina Central and Raffles Place to create more buzz and vibrancy. 'That said, private developers are always keen to provide inputs to the plans and the Government is equally open to new ideas while balancing the greater needs of society and reconciling short versus long-term gains. It is an ongoing, open-ended dialogue with all stakeholders. The enhancements to the Government Land Sales Programme is one such example of continuous feedback and improvement.'