logo
NCERT Books May Not Be Accurate, But Muslim Rule In India Was Oppressive

NCERT Books May Not Be Accurate, But Muslim Rule In India Was Oppressive

News182 days ago
The barbarity of Muslim rulers is well-documented, mostly by Muslim writers
Revision of a Class VIII social science textbook by the National Council for Education Research and Training (NCERT) has once again brought the issue of the saffronisation of the education system, especially of historiography, to the fore. While the new NCERT outlook may be coloured with the ideological tilt of the ruling coalition, its opponents are not exactly impartial in their criticism.
The book, Exploring Society: Indian and Beyond, informs students about the Sultanate and Mughal periods. It describes Babur as a 'brutal and ruthless conqueror, slaughtering entire populations of cities". Akbar, termed as a 'blend of brutality and tolerance", fares a shade better. Aurangzeb, too, has been depicted as the destroyer of temples and gurdwaras.
But if the new NCERT books are inaccurate, Left-leaning historians and intellectuals are also presenting facts and arguments that are at variance with reality. For instance, the most visible public historian, Dr Ruchika Sharma, has claimed that the jizya tax was not used to spread Islam.
But Firuz Shah Tughlaq, who ruled during 1351-88, wrote in his autobiography, 'I encouraged my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I proclaimed that everyone who repeated the creed and became a Musalman should be exempt from the jizya or poll-tax. Information of this came to the ears of the people at large, and great numbers of Hindus presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, and adopting the Faith, were exonerated from the jizya, and were favoured with presents and honours."
It was not just that the jizya was discriminatory; how it was collected was also humiliating. The taxpayer was ordered to offer the money, keeping his palm up; the collector snatched it rudely to show that the payer was at the mercy of the rulers.
Sharma and others also try to normalise various barbaric Muslim invasions and the ensuing oppressive Muslim rule with the such-things-happened-in-those-times line. The underlying message is that the actions of medieval Muslim rulers should not be regarded as exceptionally brutal.
Really? The famous American historian Will Durant wrote, 'The Islamic conquest of India is probably the bloodiest story in history. It is a discouraging tale, for its evident moral is that civilisation is a precious good, whose delicate complex of order and freedom, culture and peace, can at any moment be overthrown by barbarians invading from without or multiplying within."
The barbarity of Muslim rulers is well-documented, mostly by Muslim writers. Consider Taimur (1336-1405), Central Asia's jihadist conqueror. I reproduce the sack of Delhi (December 1398) in his own words; one lakh Hindus were slaughtered in the massacre. The following passage is from his memoirs, Malfuzat-i-Timuri, quoted from HM Elliot and J Dowson, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians.
'On the 16th of the month… when the soldiers proceeded to apprehend the Hindus and gabrs (Parsis) who had fled to the city, many of them drew their swords and offered resistance. The flames of strife were thus lighted and spread through the whole city from Jahánpanáh and Sírí to Old Dehlí, burning up all it reached. The savage Turks fell to killing and plundering. The Hindus set fire to their houses with their own hands, burned their wives and children in them, and rushed into the fight and were killed. The Hindus and gabrs of the city showed much alacrity and boldness in fighting… On that day, Thursday, and all the night of Friday, nearly 15,000 Turks were engaged in slaying, plundering, and destroying. When morning broke on Friday, all my army, no longer under control, went off to the city and thought of nothing but killing, plundering, and making prisoners. All that day, the sack was general. (…) Excepting the quarter of the saiyids, the 'ulamá, and the other Musulmáns, the whole city was sacked… It was the will of God that this calamity should fall upon the city."
Then there was Amir Khusru (1253-1325), or Amīr Khusrow. A Sufi musician, poet, and scholar, he is lionised as a symbol of composite culture, which is the desi term for multiculturalism. But he also celebrated jihad. As the historian Sita Ram Goel wrote, 'Amir Khusru describes with great glee how the heads of Brahmins danced from their necks and fell to the ground at their feet, along with those of the other 'infidels' whom Malik Kafur had slaughtered during the sack of the temples at Chidambaram."
Goel has quoted passages from Khusru, like, 'When the royal army (of Alau'din Khalji) reached that province (Gujarat), it won a victory after great slaughter… The army of Islam broke the idols (at Somnath) and the biggest idol was sent to the court of the Sultan." This is Khusru—the icon of interreligious faith!
Just because some votaries of Hindutva show excessive enthusiasm and prejudice in rewriting history doesn't mean that Muslim rule was humane.
The author is a freelance journalist. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the writer. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views.
First Published:
Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves
In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves

Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • Indian Express

In an Assam village, young men who found work in Gurgaon are returning in droves

'If I don't work, my family won't be able to eat. But the mahaul (atmosphere) there is scary. I will wait here for a couple of weeks, and if things improve, I will go back,' said Mohammad Anwar Hussain, from his home in Assam's Kokrajhar. Shaken by the Gurugram police's crackdown in the past two weeks, 22-year-old Hussain locked up his rented house in the city last Friday and took a train back to his village. Not just him, seven other Bengali-Muslim men from his village, Haoripet 1, in the Gossaigaon subdivision of Kokrajhar, who had been living and working in Gurugram, have returned fearing detention. In mid-July, the Gurugram police began what they called a 'routine verification' drive to identify Bangladeshis and Rohingya living illegally in the city, as part of which hundreds of Bengali-Muslims have been taken to and held in police stations and 'holding centres'. At least 250-odd such people have been released from these centres after document verification since the drive started. Anwar's uncle was one of those held as part of the drive, which cemented his decision to leave the city until the dust settles. He, his uncle, and others from his village were employed as sanitation workers and pantry workers in a sprawling corporate complex in Gurugram's Sector 74A. 'Around July 14, I started seeing people being picked up, and though I have my documents, I felt uneasy. On July 16, my uncle was held. His landlord told him that the police were summoning him and that he should go to the Badshahpur police station. When he did, he was kept there for nearly a week and was let go only after our local police station in Gossaigaon spoke to them and confirmed that he was from here. He had a hard time, and that experience scared me. So I told my company that things are not good and I want to leave for some time, and they told me that it's fine. I took a train and reached the village on Saturday. Thankfully, I had already sent my wife and two children back to the village earlier in the month,' said Hussain, who has worked in Gurugram for over five years. Hazrat Ali (25) said he was terrified when dozens of people who lived and worked with him were picked up. 'I live in a slum in the city, and for two days straight, police came and picked up one or two people from there. They were released after eight hours. On the third day, around 20-25 people were rounded up and kept for nearly a week. I was at work at the time. There were men from other parts of Assam like Dhubri, Barpeta and Bongaigaon. It was so scary, police could come any time, night or day, and take people away. Everyone around me started preparing to leave, and I felt that it wasn't safe for me to stay back if everyone else was leaving,' he said. He said that he does not intend to stay away from the city and his livelihood for long. 'I have been making calls, and people in Gurugram are telling me that it will be better soon. So I am thinking of going back this weekend, I don't want to lose my job,' he said. Another resident of the village, Aminul Hoque (20), landed in Gurugram just three months ago to join his elder brother at work, but left in panic soon after. According to Nur Mohammad Ansari, who is part of the All BTC Minority Students Union (ABMSU), hundreds of Bengali-Muslims from Gossaigaon alone work in Gurugram. 'We are trying to keep track of their situation. There are many others who are unable to come back because they are short on money. They are taking shelter in others' houses or hiding somewhere else for fear of being detained,' he said. 'It was impossible to live there like that. We work hard for eight years, and then we don't know when at night someone will come, pick us up and take us away,' said Anwar. The Gurgaon police, however, maintain that no genuine citizen needs to fear or flee the to their home state, and there is no need to panic.

Malegaon blast probe politics will simmer till Maharashtra polls
Malegaon blast probe politics will simmer till Maharashtra polls

The Print

timean hour ago

  • The Print

Malegaon blast probe politics will simmer till Maharashtra polls

A trial court in Mumbai gave its judgment on the case Thursday, acquitting all seven accused, including former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MP Pragya Singh Thakur, saying there was strong suspicion, but not enough evidence to convict them. And, the most unfortunate part is that nobody seems to be interested in finding out, least of all the government. An explosive went off during the holy month of Ramadan in Maharashtra's Malegaon in 2008. Six people died. Almost a hundred others were injured. It's been 17 years, but in the eyes of the judiciary, there are still no answers as to who was responsible for the attack. The court ordered compensation of Rs 2 lakh to the families of those who died in the attack, and Rs 50,000 for the families of those injured. But it is too little, too late. The Malegaon blast case has, after all, been a victim of politics, and justice or closure has been the biggest casualty. For this reason, the Malegaon blast verdict is ThePrint's 'Newsmaker of the Week.' 'Saffron terror' politics The Malegaon case has been in the public discourse for 17 years, more for the politics surrounding it than for any significant details regarding the investigation process. The probe in the immediate aftermath of the blasts, under the Maharashtra Anti Terrorism Squad (ATS) and its former chief Hemant Karkare, had led to the arrests of a bunch of Hindutva activists, including Pragya Singh Thakur, as well as Lt Colonel Prasad Purohit, an Army officer. The accused were said to be linked to a Hindu fundamentalist group, Abhinav Bharat. India had seen a fair number of terror attacks across the country in 2008, raising questions on the efficiency of the home ministry under the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government. The initial revelations in the Malegaon probe gave a political opportunity to the Congress to turn the narrative. The party raised red flags on terrorism allegedly sponsored by Hindutva organisations, with some senior leaders such as P Chidambaram, Digvijaya Singh, and Sushilkumar Shinde using the word 'saffron terror'. They blamed the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) for allegedly encouraging such fringe Hindutva groups. These strong statements had at the time sparked a debate on how the term 'saffron terror' defames the entire Hindu religion and how terror should not be seen through the lens of any religious colour. The BJP and RSS, meanwhile, slammed the Congress for allegedly trying to appease the minorities. Karkare was killed in the 2008 Mumbai attacks. His death too became politically controversial as the Union Minority Affairs Minister AR Antulay, a Congressman from Maharashtra, suggested that there could be a larger controversy behind the IPS officer's death. Thursday's verdict came as vindication for the BJP's political narrative, with party leaders blaming the Congress for allegedly casting Hindus in a bad light, asking for an apology. It was ironic. The government's law enforcement agency had lost a case. It had failed to show sufficient evidence to get a conviction, despite having 17 years, over ten of which were under a BJP-led government at the Centre. And yet, those in power were celebrating. Also read: Fauja Singh's death shows Indian roads remain a national emergency—474 lives lost every day Opposition busy trying to get script right After the verdict, several Congress leaders asked if Pragya Singh Thakur and others are now acquitted, then who was behind the blast? However, the question was blunted by their more emphatic attempts at distancing the Congress from the term 'saffron terror'. Talking about 'saffron terror' in a Hindu-majority democracy had hurt the Congress even back then. In today's scenario, where the BJP has been working with every small spiritual and religious outfit on the ground to consolidate the Hindutva voter base, the consequences could be even worse. So, one after the other, leaders of the Congress tried to make all the right noises, loudly speaking about how they had never coined the term 'saffron terror,' how terror has no religion, and how Congress condemns all acts of terror. The question that should have been the loudest of all—who committed the crime—came out barely as a whimper. The Shiv Sena (Uddhav Balasaheb Thackeray) questioned the failure of the government's law enforcement agencies with two back-to-back acquittals in terror cases—first the 2006 Mumbai train blasts and now the 2008 Malegaon blast. However, it stopped short of asking or even suggesting that the National Investigation Agency (NIA) should appeal against the trial court's decision in a higher court. After all, back in 2008, when the Shiv Sena was still undivided under Bal Thackeray's leadership and was a BJP ally, it had openly supported the Malegaon blast accused. On one occasion, party workers had even showered flower petals over the accused outside a Nashik courtroom. Last month, after the Bombay High Court tore into the Maharashtra ATS over the 2006 Mumbai train blasts probe and acquitted all 12 accused, all of whom were Muslims, the Maharashtra government promptly appealed in the Supreme Court. Now that an NIA trial court has done the same in the Malegaon blast case, neither the government nor the agency has shown any urgency in appealing to a higher court. The NIA has said it will decide whether to appeal after studying the order. The political pandemonium will continue as Maharashtra gears up for urban and rural local body polls sometime next year. For the victims and their families, any closure still seems to be a long way off. (Edited by Ratan Priya)

Why Arya Samaj marriages are under the scanner of courts
Why Arya Samaj marriages are under the scanner of courts

Indian Express

timean hour ago

  • Indian Express

Why Arya Samaj marriages are under the scanner of courts

Also by Vineet Bhalla The Allahabad High Court last week directed the Uttar Pradesh government to investigate how 'fake Arya Samaj Societies' that solemnise marriages without verifying the age of the bride and the groom, and in violation of the state's anti-conversion law, 'have flourished throughout the State'. While hearing a case in which a Muslim man is accused of kidnapping, forcibly marrying, and committing statutory rape on a minor Hindu girl, Justice Prashant Kumar said that many marriages in the state, including those officiated by the Arya Samaj, bypass mandatory procedures under the UP anti-conversion law and marriage registration rules. The accused had claimed to have got married at an Arya Samaj temple. The Allahabad HC's directives are the latest in a series of judicial orders that have called for a scrutiny of marriages solemnised by the Arya Samaj. Such weddings are granted legal sanction under the 88-year-old Arya Marriage Validation Act. The Arya Samaj was formally established by Swami Dayanand Saraswati in 1875 as a Hindu revivalist movement. It gained prominence in northern India, especially Punjab (including present-day Pakistan), in the late 19th century. Among other things, the Arya Samaj made the very first attempts to convert persons from other faiths or ideologies to its version of Vedic, monotheistic Hinduism through a process it called 'shuddhi' (purification). One of the ways it facilitated this was by having a progressive view of inter-caste and even interfaith marriages. In effect, till the Special Marriage Act, 1954 came into force, the Arya Samaj provided the only way for a Hindu to marry out of caste or religion and to still retain their caste. In 1937, the Arya Marriage Validation Act was passed to 'remove doubts' and recognise the validity of Arya Samaj marriages. These weddings take place as per a specific set of Hindu rituals, but only require the bride and groom to be of marriageable age and declare themselves to be Arya Samajis — regardless of their caste or religion. The 1937 law states: 'Notwithstanding any provision of Hindu Law, usage or custom to the contrary, no marriage contracted whether before or after the commencement of this Act between two persons being at the time of the marriage Arya Samajists shall be invalid or shall be deemed over to have been invalid by reason only of the fact that the parties at any time belonged to different castes or different sub-castes of Hindus or that either or both of the parties at any time before the marriage belonged to a religion other than Hinduism.' The Hindu Marriage Act, 1955 — which covers not just Hindus but also Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs — recognises Arya Samaj marriages. Those belonging to other religions simply need to convert to Hinduism before the wedding. However, several Arya Samaj organisations complete this conversion ritual expeditiously. This means that Arya Samaj weddings are fast, often not taking more than a couple of hours. This, along with the ease of paperwork and relaxed requirements, make Arya Samaj weddings popular among eloping or runaway couples, who often belong to different castes or religions. Interfaith couples also have the option to marry under the SMA, which allows marriage without the couple having to give up their faith. However, under the SMA, couples must give a 30-day public notice before they marry, leaving them vulnerable to harassment from their families or the authorities. A petition on whether Arya Samaj marriages must comply with the requirements of the Special Marriage Act has been pending before the Supreme Court since 2022. However, since a number of BJP-ruled states have passed stringent anti-conversion laws over the last 10 years, several HCs have raised questions on the validity of Arya Samaj marriages. This is because the anti-conversion laws bar alternative legal processes for marriage involving religious conversion. For instance, in Uttar Pradesh, Section 6 of the UP Prohibition of Unlawful Conversion of Religion Act, 2021 renders void any marriage that is preceded by an unlawful or procedurally non-compliant religious conversion. Sections 8 and 9 of the law require both a pre-conversion declaration 60 days before marriage and a post-conversion declaration within a specified timeframe to the district magistrate. The law also mandates an inquiry to verify the voluntariness and legality of the conversion process. Section 12 of the Act places the burden of proof on an accused to demonstrate that their spouse's consent for conversion was not obtained illegally. The default legal assumption, thus, is that marriages through conversion are illegal and non-consensual. This puts Arya Samaj marriages at odds with the UP anti-conversion law. The shuddhi performed before most interfaith Arya Samaj marriages does not comply with the onerous process for conversion prescribed in the anti-conversion law. Courts have, over the last few years, expressed concern over the mass-scale solemnisation of marriages by Arya Samaj organisations without sticking to lawful conversion practices or verifying marriage eligibility conditions. The Allahabad HC and Madhya Pradesh HC have ordered police investigations into instances where these organisations allegedly married minors using forged documents, and facilitated conversions without following procedures mandated by the anti-conversion laws of these states. In 2022, the Supreme Court orally observed that the Arya Samaj has 'no business' issuing marriage certificates, while the Delhi High Court last year directed an Arya Samaj temple to use verified witnesses to ensure that marriages performed by the temple were genuine. Justice Kumar referred to one such judgment by the Allahabad HC from May in his order on Thursday. He observed that the marriage between the Muslim man and the Hindu girl would be invalid because the girl was a minor and the man did not convert as per the UP anti-conversion law.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store