Public universities carry cost of broken funding system, says NWU professor
When students are evicted over unpaid rent, it is universities that face backlash, she said. Institutions are often left negotiating with landlords, extending registration deadlines and calming student unrest.
Du Plessis said these financial pressures disrupt teaching and learning and contribute to operational instability.
'While the public sees burning tyres and angry slogans, what remains hidden is the huge operational toll this takes on institutions. Academic calendars are adjusted repeatedly and these changes often come with additional cost implications.'
Even though the government has increased higher education funding, most of it is directed towards NSFAS, rather than towards developing universities or advancing research.
Compounding the crisis is the role of Setas, which are meant to support skills development and training. Du Plessis said political interference and poor governance have left many Setas ineffective.
'The recent allegations regarding the appointment of politically connected individuals are yet another example of how politics can be prioritised over merit and accountability in the higher-education and training sector,' she said.
Universities rely on Setas for internships, work-integrated learning and industry partnerships. When Setas fail, the burden again shifts to universities.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Mail & Guardian
2 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
The Mandela legacy: Might ‘quiet diplomacy' work in conflicts such as Ukraine and Russia?
Nelson Mandela chose to negotiate with his enemy, the apartheid state, because he believed that emotions such as hate got in the way of strategy. Nelson Mandela Day was officially declared by the United Nations in November 2009 and has since been celebrated internationally on 18 July to mark the charismatic leader's birthday. German sociologist, Max Weber, described charisma as a 'gift' characterised by exceptional qualities that the average person lacked, but those who were so gifted were likely to be 'treated as leaders'. Mandela was such a natural-born leader. Even though he was sentenced to life imprisonment at Robben Island, he chose to negotiate with his arch enemy — the apartheid regime that put him there — rather than waste his time hating it. He believed that emotions such as hate clouded the mind and got in the way of strategy, something he thought no leader could afford to lose sight of. Mandela's choice to initiate negotiations rather than hold grudges, serves as a prime example of a choice made in the service of the greater good. The decision of whether to engage with an enemy he considered morally repugnant could not have been easy. Yet, rather than demonising the opponent, Mandela set aside his moral judgments in favour of a rational assessment of the prevalent reality and the likely costs and benefits of negotiations. The legacy he bestowed upon us is our ability to recognise that lasting peace requires more than just a ceasefire; it demands a deep understanding of the underlying issues. Mandela believed that dialogue, not pointing a gun, was key to resolving disputes and fostering stability. And he proved his point by helping South Africa abandon apartheid and transition to democracy through peaceful negotiations. We could certainly use an astute and charismatic statesman of his calibre now as we find ourselves in the midst of multiple global crises unfolding simultaneously and amplifying each other in unpredictable ways. One such major crisis is the Russia-Ukraine conflict with more lives claimed each day and with no end in sight. The war has already led to substantial shifts in global economic and geostrategic configurations. And now it resembles a political power ball that is being kicked around by Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin with the hapless Volodymyr Zelenskyy ducking it in midfield, as his country bleeds. Although the member states of the European Union strongly condemn Russia's aggression and reaffirm continued support for Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity, their position to positively influence events has been weakened by several factors. First, they seem to be sidelined by Trump, whose hostility towards the EU is quite clear and who is still convinced that he alone can end the conflict — though no longer in one day as he once claimed. Second, the 27 states do not speak with one voice as they pursue their own, sometimes clashing, agendas. Third, their concern has less to do with ending the war and more with their own security in case Russia ups the ante by expanding its territorial ambitions further. This latter concern has become evident during the meeting of the Nato military alliance in June 2025 where Russia was declared a long-term threat to the alliance's collective security, with member states pledging increased defence spending and reaffirming their support for Ukraine. Meanwhile, the likes of China, North Korea and Iran have all rushed in to aid their Russian ally. This appeared to be the right time for little South Africa to step in and do again what it did so splendidly once before by managing to negotiate the demise of apartheid that few believed could be accomplished peacefully. What qualifies South Africa to play the mediator's role is the country's adherence to non-alignment in its foreign policy, signalling that other middle powers, particularly in the Global South, can also productively participate in the ongoing geopolitical strife while protecting their own national interests in the process. Not to mention that South Africa is also in a favourable position to mediate the Russia-Ukraine conflict by virtue of the historically friendly relations with the two countries as they both supported the anti-apartheid struggle led by the ANC. The talks between presidents Cyril Ramaphosa and Zelenskyy held on 24 April 2025 in Pretoria marked the beginning of the conversation. Ramaphosa emphasised South Africa's readiness to continue supporting multilateral efforts to achieve a sustainable and comprehensive peace. In response, Zelenskyy extended his gratitude for the shared understanding that the war needs to end as soon as possible. Both presidents pledged common commitment to multilaterism and respect for the rule of law in international relations. They also acknowledged the central role of the UN in global governance and in the maintenance of global peace and security. Zelenskyy underscored that South Africa's current presidency of the Group of 20 (G20) offered an opportunity to strengthen the group's pledges to defend peace and democracy. In his effort to help end the war in Ukraine, Ramaphosa scored an unexpected bonus point when he received a call from Trump. In reference to the discussions during the visit to South Africa by Zelenskyy, Trump wished to also state that the war in Ukraine should come to a rapid end. At the same time, the US president agreed to meet Ramaphosa in the near future. The proposed in-person meeting between Ramaphosa and Trump did indeed take place. The Oval Office encounter was tough on the South African leader, who was shown videos purporting to portray the persecution and genocide of white farmers in his country, a claim since found baseless. To his credit, Rhamaposa — a negotiator from the Mandela era in his own right — remained unruffled. In the subsequent media briefing, he remained upbeat, confirming that engagement between South Africa and the US would continue — and that there was a possibility Trump would attend the G20 summit in Johannesburg in November 2025. If that were to take place, it would be a major achievement for the South African government and a positive development for the country. Then again, events move so rapidly and in such an unpredictable fashion that no one can tell what tomorrow might bring. Nevertheless, opting for negotiation instead of confrontation is what Madiba would have done. Professor Ursula van Beek is the director of the Centre for Research on Democracy at Stellenbosch University.


Mail & Guardian
3 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Debt, heat and uprisings: What Seville failed to solve
The UN Financing for Development Summit failed to deal with the issue of funding countries hit hardest by the climate crisis. (Envato Elements) Sweltering heatwaves, caused by an escalating climate crisis, increasingly shock countries during their summer months. The Earth is getting hotter. As world leaders gathered for the United Nations Financing for Development Summit (FfD4) in Seville, they would have felt the heat, with temperatures in the city and across Southern Europe reaching more than 40°C. The UN's secretary general warns that extreme weather is no longer a rare event, but the new normal. Meanwhile, more than 6000km away, protests erupted in Kenya's capital, Nairobi. These protests, led by Gen Z youth, call for an end to police violence, social spending cuts and tax hikes on the poor. While seemingly unconnected, these are warning signs of a financial and climate system in crisis, and its inability to cope without urgent intervention. Against this backdrop, the UN heads of state and financiers participated in a 'once in a decade opportunity to transform how development is financed'. The FfD4 Conference covered a broad range of themes, including taxation, debt, trade, development cooperation, and private finance, with discussions on the reforms necessary to meet the sustainable development goals and commitments to the 1.5°C Paris Climate Agreement. The convenors recognised that international financial architecture reform is critical to closing the financing gap between now and when countries meet these climate obligations by 2030. But the Many countries in the Global South are experiencing a debt crisis caused mainly by predatory borrowing practices and unfair loan agreements. A Instead of acknowledging this, the Compromiso de Sevilla outlines in meticulous detail provisions to ensure support for countries' debt servicing. This once-in-a-decade opportunity, meant to transform our financial system, has signalled to the world that a crisis is only worthy of intervention if creditors are not paid, not if working-class people die. With our leaders not acknowledging and providing concrete solutions to this crisis, climate justice activists stepped up. Braving the dangerous heat of Seville's streets, voices from around the world gathered under the rallying cries of 'Grants, not loans', 'Tax the super-rich' and 'End debt apartheid'. Through the lens of climate justice, development financing can be reimagined as a tool for reparative action. Wealthy countries bear historical responsibility for the climate crisis and must respond with non-debt-creating finance to the Global South. This includes financing for loss and damage, community-led adaptation, and resilience efforts that prioritise those least responsible but most affected. Meeting the 1.5°C climate goal requires unprecedented investment in renewable energy, climate adaptation, and just transitions, particularly in developing countries. Financiers aim to fill this gap by relying on private sector charity through blended finance. But we are calling for a financing for development agenda rooted not in charity, but in justice. The kind that remembers who lit the fire and who's choking on the smoke. Wealth taxes on the super-rich, combined with crackdowns on tax evasion and reductions in fossil fuel subsidies, could raise trillions of dollars. These funds would deliver climate finance to the Global South and fund affordable, community-centred renewable energy systems while making polluters pay for the crisis they've caused. A justice-centred approach to development financing means grants, not loans, and following examples set by countries such as Ecuador, where debt was considered odious and therefore cancelled, or in Ghana, where officials renegotiated their debt to fairer terms. There needs to be international financial system reform through debt cancellation and tax justice, because these are crucial steps towards achieving climate and economic justice. But it's essential to recognise that these are only the first steps. Fidel Castro said, 'Debt to imperialist banks is unpayable, immoral. Any attempt to pay the debt under the present social, economic, and political circumstances would cost our suffering and impoverished nations rivers of blood, and it could never be done. Our people are not to blame for underdevelopment or for the debt. Our countries are not to blame for having been colonies, neocolonies, banana republics; or coffee, mining, or oil republics whose role was to produce raw materials, exotic products, and fuel at low cost and with cheap labour.' Debt cancellation is an indispensable condition of change, but an insufficient one. Other changes need to be set in motion to confront our colonial pasts and remake the pillars of our economic system built on extractivism, exploitation and suffering. Reparations, which aim to abolish the idea of indebtedness entirely and instead promote self-reliance, are the only cure for our deeply unequal and unjust system. Khaliel Moses is the Public Finance Campaigner for

The Herald
5 hours ago
- The Herald
Stanfield gang trial looms as prosecutors push to reinstate R1bn fraud charges
The prosecution is pulling all the stops to reinstate charges in the R1bn Cape Town housing tender fraud case before alleged 28s gang boss Ralph Stanfield appears in the high court on gang-related charges in November. The prosecution provisionally withdrew fraud charges against Stanfield and former human settlements MMC Malusi Booi, and several others, in May. Stanfield, his wife Nicole Johnson and 13 other accused appeared in the Cape Town magistrate's on Monday on 41 counts. They range from murder to attempted murder, possession of illegal firearms and robbery. The matter was transferred to the high court in Cape Town for trial. They will make their first appearance in the high court on November 7. Eric Ntabazalila, the spokesperson for the prosecution, said the charges only related to 'murder, being a member of a gang, possession of illegal firearms, illegal possession of ammunition and robbery'. He said the state hopes all charges withdrawn in the R1bn city tender fraud matter will be reinstated against all the accused before Stanfield and Johnson's matter is heard in the high court. 'You will remember that the cases that involve financial crimes, including the City of Cape Town tender, were withdrawn because the investigation continues. We hope that investigation can be completed before the other matter goes to the high court on November 7,' said Ntabazalila. 'The investigation is continuing. We hope that it will be finalised in the next month or two. Our hope and plans are that when everyone goes to the high court, they will be joined by the group whose charges were withdrawn.' Stanfield, Johnson and a few others appeared virtually from the various prisons where they are held. Meanwhile, a group of people picketed and brandished placards outside court in support of Stanfield. 'Stanfield is kept in solitary ... for almost two years,' one placard read. Another placard accused the police anti-gang unit (GNU) of underhanded tactics. It read: 'The AGU uses illegal modus operandi to arrest and to incriminate the Common Man ...' After the hearing, the picketers neatly packed the placards into black refuse bags. The 13-page indictment that was read to the accused in court lists a slew of serious charges. It alleges that the accused were members of the ''The Firm' criminal gang, operating in Milnerton, Wynberg, Bishop Lavis, Kraaifontein, Parow, Somerset West, Belhar, Green Point, Kuils River and Bluedowns'. '... The 'criminal gang' comprises a group of three or more individuals, including Ralph Israel Stanfield, Nicole Tracey Johnson, Johannes Abrahams, Denver Booysen, Jose Brandt, Jonathan Cloete, Abraham Wilson, Shakeel Pelston, lmtyaas Sedick, Warren Lee Dennis, Michael Morris, Chevonne McNabb, Sharazaadht Essop, Brandon Conelius, Donovan van Wyk and Keathan Gardiner,' the indictment reads. According to the indictment, a 'criminal gang' has a formal or informal structure, with members holding ranks or leadership roles based on a system loosely inspired by the '28s' prison gang, though not always strictly followed outside prison. '... The accused are all members of 'THE FIRM' 'Criminal Gang' and were all members thereof at all times relevant to the indictment,' the indictment reads. According to the indictment, the alleged gang operated in parts of Cape Town between November 2019 and November 2023. Stanfield is accused of fraud linked to a 'black BMW'. He allegedly falsely claimed to a police officer in November 2022 that he was the owner of the car, 'with the intent to defraud and to the prejudice or potential prejudice of the name of the complainant'. According to the indictment, the 'victim is not disclosed' for safety purposes. Johnson allegedly pretended to be 'an employee of Tracker' and 'that she was the lawful owner of a black BMW'. 'She knew she was not the lawful owner of said motor vehicle,' the indictment reads. All 15 accused, including Stanfield and Johnson, are accused of robbery. They allegedly assaulted one of the victims in Valhalla Park in January 2023 and stole her Toyota Fortuner worth R170,000. Stanfield is also charged with illegal possession of a firearm and ammunition, which were found at his Constantia home in September 2023. 'On September 29 2023 the police proceeded to the home of [Stanfield] and [Johnson[ to arrest them,' the indictment reads. 'The police requested [Stanfield] and another male to lie on the ground. While on the ground the police spotted [Stanfield] trying to hand a key to another male. The police took the key and established that it is a safe key. The police opened the safe and found the firearm and ammunition ... [Stanfield] did not possess a licence for the said firearm and ammunition. He was thereafter arrested.' TimesLIVE