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Live updates: Supreme Court decisions

Live updates: Supreme Court decisions

CNN2 days ago

Update:
Date: 1 min ago
Title: Can states require IDs for porn sites?
Content:
Everyone agrees that minors shouldn't have access to porn.
The question for the Supreme Court in a key First Amendment case to be decided Friday is what happens when government regulations to protect young people wind up also making it harder for adults to access the material.
Texas enacted a law in 2023 that requires any website that publishes a substantial amount of content that is 'harmful to minors' to verify the age of users. Groups representing the adult entertainment industry say the law forces adults to identify themselves – such as by providing an ID – before accessing pornography, which they say 'chills' free speech rights.
Texas' law is similar to more than a dozen others across the country that require users to submit some proof of adulthood.
During oral arguments in January, several of the justices signaled they might send the case back to the 5th Circuit to have the appeals court revisit it. But others made clear they ultimately supported Texas' effort.
Update:
Date: 1 min ago
Title: How Louisiana's congressional map could have nationwide implications
Content:
Louisiana has been in court over its congressional map for years. Now, the Supreme Court will decide if state lawmakers violated the Constitution by creating a second Black-majority district.
Federal courts initially ruled that the state had likely violated the Voting Rights Act by drawing only one majority Black district out of six. After the state legislature tried to correct that problem by drawing a second Black majority district, a group of White voters sued arguing that the state violated the Constitution by relying too much on race to meet the first court's demands.
There's an inherent tension between the Voting Rights Act, the landmark civil rights law that prohibits states from curbing the power of minority voters, and the equal protection clause, which essentially bars states from considering race when they draw district boundaries. The question for the Supreme Court is how to strike that balance.
The high court's conservative majority has grown increasingly skeptical of policies of any kind that, in the court's words, pick 'winners and losers' based on race. The Supreme Court has also in recent years chipped away at the power of the Voting Rights Act, including with a 2013 decision that ended the practice of requiring states with a history of racist policies to preclear changes to their voting rights laws with the Justice Department.
The district lawmakers drew slashes diagonally for some 250 miles from Shreveport in the northwest of the state to Baton Rouge in the southeast to create a district where Black residents make up some 54% of voters – up from about 24% under the old lines. Rep. Cleo Fields, a Democrat, won the seat in last year's election – adding a second Democrat to the state's delegation.
Update:
Date: 14 min ago
Title: Supreme Court tees up blockbuster final day of term
Content:
It's a blockbuster last day at the Supreme Court in which the justices will hand down six opinions in some of the biggest cases of the year, including those dealing with Trump's birthright citizenship order.
Also on the docket: A challenge from religious parents who want to opt their children out of reading LGBTQ books in school and a First Amendment suit over a Texas law that requires people to verify their age before accessing porn online.
The court will also decide the fate of a government task force that recommends which preventive health care services must be covered at no cost under Obamacare.
And it will decide a challenge over Louisiana's congressional districts that questions how far states may go in considering race when they draw maps to fix a violation of the Voting Rights Act.
Update:
Date: 3 min ago
Title: What to know about birthright citizenship, in charts
Content:
The US is among dozens of countries, mostly in the Americas, that grant unconditional birthright citizenship to anyone born in its territory under a legal principle known as jus soli, Latin for 'right of the soil.'
More than 20 states, mostly led by Democrats, previously filed lawsuits in two different federal courts arguing that the president has no authority to change or override a constitutional amendment. Civil rights groups and expectant parents have brought similar legal action.
Update:
Date: 20 min ago
Title: What is the birthright citizenship case about?
Content:
President Donald Trump asked the Supreme Court in March to allow him to move forward with plans to end birthright citizenship, elevating a fringe legal theory that several lower courts have resoundingly rejected.
For more than a century, courts have understood the text of the 14th Amendment to guarantee 'all persons born or naturalized in the United States' to be US citizens, no matter the immigration status of their parents.
In a series of emergency appeals, the Trump administration argued that lower courts had gone too far in handing down nationwide injunctions blocking the controversial policy, and it asked the justices to limit the impact of those orders.
A federal judge in January described his executive order as 'blatantly unconstitutional' and blocked its implementation. Days later, a judge in Maryland said that Trump's plan 'runs counter to our nation's 250-year history of citizenship by birth.'
Several conservative justices seemed open to backing the president on the issue of the nationwide orders, saying lower courts have gone too far. But they also didn't seem ready to endorse a departure from the longstanding precedent upholding birthright citizenship.
Update:
Date: 19 min ago
Title: All about the 14th Amendment and birthright citizenship
Content:
The 14th Amendment clearly states that American citizenship is a birthright for all people who are born on American soil.
Its first section reads:
'All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.'
Before the Civil War, states didn't necessarily have to follow the provisions stated in the Bill of Rights; only Congress had to. The 14th Amendment changed that.
'Citizenship was a central question left open by the original Constitution,' says Jeffrey Rosen, president and CEO of the National Constitution Center. 'At the time it was written, the Constitution assumed citizenship, but it didn't provide any rules for it. In the infamous Dred Scott decision, the Chief Justice said African Americans can't be citizens of the US and 'had no rights which the white man was bound to respect.''
The US Supreme Court's ruling in the Dred Scott case, named for a slave who unsuccessfully sued for his freedom, has since been widely condemned.
'The 14th Amendment was designed to overturn this decision and define citizenship once and for all, and it was based on birthright,' Rosen says. 'It is really important that it's a vision of citizenship based on land rather than blood. It is an idea that anyone can be an American if they commit themselves to our Constitutional values.'
Read more about the protections outlined in the amendment here.

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Chris Murphy calls birthright citizenship ruling ‘dangerous'
Chris Murphy calls birthright citizenship ruling ‘dangerous'

Politico

time37 minutes ago

  • Politico

Chris Murphy calls birthright citizenship ruling ‘dangerous'

Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.) on Sunday condemned the Supreme Court's decision to rule in President Donald Trump's favor over nationwide injunctions in its birthright citizenship case. Murphy on Sunday told MSNBC's Kirsten Welker that the ruling allows Trump to 'undermine' democracy. 'Taking away the power of courts to restrain the president when he's clearly acting in an unlawful manner, as he is when he says that children born in the United States are no longer citizens, you are assisting him in trying to undermine the rule of law and undermine our democracy,' Murphy said on 'Meet the Press.' Though the Supreme Court's decision did not give Trump a complete win, it did narrow nationwide injunctions that blocked his January executive order trying to end birthright citizenship for certain individuals. By a 6-3 ruling, the Supreme Court said that federal judges can't, with perhaps limited exceptions, issue injunctions that go beyond their regional authority. 'It's really dangerous because it will incentivize the president to act in a lawless manner,' Murphy added. 'Because now only the Supreme Court, who can only take a handful of cases a year, can ever stop him from violating the laws and the Constitution.' Trump has long supported ending birthright citizenship. On his first day in office this year, Trump signed an order to deny American citizenship to anyone born in the U.S. to foreigners on short-term visas or without legal status. But the 14th Amendment declares anyone 'born or naturalized in the United States and subject to the jurisdiction thereof' as a citizen of the United States. The 6-3 decision down ideological lines did not weigh in on the constitutionality of Trump's order or interpret the meaning of that clause, but the White House declared Friday's ruling to be a major victory for the administration. 'I'm grateful to the Supreme Court for stepping in and solving this very, very big and complex problem, and they've made it very simple,' Trump said of the ruling. Still, Murphy said the ruling, which will take effect later in July, only creates a 'patchwork' of citizenship laws that could differ from state to state. 'Both the Constitution and the law is clear. If you're born in the United States of America, you're a U.S. citizen,' Murphy said. 'But now because there's no longer going to be a federal policy, it's going to be different in every state. A child born in the United States, born in Connecticut will be a citizen. But that same child if they were born in Oklahoma might not be. That's chaos.'

No more LGBTQ brainwashing — SCOTUS school smackdown revives parents' rights
No more LGBTQ brainwashing — SCOTUS school smackdown revives parents' rights

New York Post

time38 minutes ago

  • New York Post

No more LGBTQ brainwashing — SCOTUS school smackdown revives parents' rights

The Supreme Court on Friday handed down a sweeping victory for parental rights and religious freedom — and dealt a devastating blow to the progressive zealots bent on brainwashing America's children. In Mahmoud v. Taylor, Montgomery County, Md., parents fought their local school board over a policy requiring young children to read books centered on LGBTQ+ identity. The justices ruled 6-3 in favor of the parents, who sought the right to opt their kids out of lessons that undermine their religious beliefs. In his majority opinion, Justice Samuel Alito let the books speak for themselves via color reproductions of their pages. There was no better way to demonstrate that these were not books promoting tolerance and acceptance, but radical attempts at indoctrination. 'Pride Puppy,' part of the district's kindergarten curriculum, includes a word search listing topics detailed in the book's illustrations: drag king, drag queen, high heels, lip ring, lace, leather. Toto, we're not in Kansas anymore. Another book, 'Born Ready,' features a very young child who identifies as transgender. In it, the character's older brother protests, 'This doesn't make sense. You can't become a boy. You have to be born one.' Their mother scolds him: 'Not everything needs to make sense. This is about love.' The message is clear: If you want issues of sex and gender to make sense, you aren't a loving person. The school board, Alito wrote, 'encourages the teachers to correct the children and accuse them of being 'hurtful' when they express a degree of religious confusion.' They use the books to do it. At the heart of the case was the claim that parents' religious rights were being violated. But the deeper reality remained unspoken: The school-district progressives weren't simply undermining the beliefs of Muslim, Christian and Mormon parents. They were trying to induct the children of these families into their own ideology — one that dismisses biological reality and enshrines 'love,' as they define it, as the only acceptable truth. The conflict also exposed a stark divide between the progressive activists who run the county school system and the religious, largely immigrant families the district serves. Accustomed to lockstep minority support, leftist county officials were blindsided when the communities they claim to represent pushed back. And when the minority parents protested, the progressives lashed out. The curriculum dispute 'puts some Muslim families on the same side of an issue as white supremacists and outright bigots,' Montgomery County Council member Kristin Mink complained in one contentious public meeting. School board member Lynne Harris disparaged a Muslim student who testified at another meeting, telling the press she felt 'kind of sorry' for the girl and speculating she was 'parroting dogma' she'd learned from her parents. Get opinions and commentary from our columnists Subscribe to our daily Post Opinion newsletter! Thanks for signing up! Enter your email address Please provide a valid email address. By clicking above you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Never miss a story. Check out more newsletters The Council on American-Islamic Relations demanded apologies from both officials. When progressives rallied outside the Supreme Court during oral arguments, speaker after speaker insisted the district's policy was about teaching tolerance to children of supposedly bigoted parents. After the ruling came down, the district declared in an email to staff, 'This decision complicates our work creating a welcoming, inclusive and equitable school system.' But if tolerance and inclusivity were truly its goals, the county would have sought to respect the values of religious families. No, the objective was ideological control over every child in the county's schools. The progressive activists' message was brutally simple: Our way or the highway. This is what we do in public schools. If you don't like it, you can pay to educate your kids privately, or homeschool them yourself. Alito flatly rejected that argument. 'Public education is a public benefit,' he wrote, 'and the government cannot 'condition' its 'availability' on parents' willingness to accept a burden on their religious exercise.' In addition, he observed, 'since education is compulsory, the parents are not being asked simply to forgo a public benefit.' This case laid bare the hypocrisy of progressive ideology — and the flimsiness of those convictions when challenged. Progressives in Montgomery County had a choice: To respect the religious beliefs of minority families, or to force them to abandon those beliefs and cave to leftist views on gender and sexuality. Or, of course, the district could have dropped its leftist indoctrination mission altogether. Rather than offering an unbiased public education to these low-income, immigrant religious families, school officials told them to leave if they wouldn't comply. Mahmoud v. Taylor revealed the left's true colors on tolerance and privilege. But with its decision, the Supreme Court sent an unmistakable message: Parents' rights are not subject to the whims of progressive activists — and they don't evaporate at the schoolhouse door. Bethany Mandel writes and podcasts at The Mom Wars.

Pat Williams, last Montana Democrat to serve in the House, dies at 87
Pat Williams, last Montana Democrat to serve in the House, dies at 87

Boston Globe

timean hour ago

  • Boston Globe

Pat Williams, last Montana Democrat to serve in the House, dies at 87

His most notable election came in 1992, when Montana had been chiseled down to a single congressional seat, from two, after the 1990 census. Williams, who represented the state's more liberal forested western half, faced Rep. Ron Marlenee, a Republican who served the conservative ranchland of eastern Montana. Advertisement The left-versus-right showdown was fought over the use of the state's vast natural resources and whether the New Deal-era safety net for the vulnerable still mattered. Williams won narrowly, with 51% of the vote. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up In Washington, he was a co-sponsor of the Family and Medical Leave Act of 1993, which gave workers 12 weeks of unpaid time off to care for a newborn or a sick family member. Multiple attempts to enact the law under Republican Presidents Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush had failed. Williams called those administrations 'frozen in the ice of their own indifference' to working people. The law was signed by President Bill Clinton, who boasted of it nearly every day during his successful reelection race in 1996. A former schoolteacher, Williams was also on the front lines of a conflagration over the National Endowment for the Arts. Conservative senators in 1990 sought to abolish the agency because of grants it had made that supported photographers Robert Mapplethorpe and Andres Serrano, whose transgressive work was condemned by critics like Donald Wildmon of the American Family Association as blasphemous or obscene. Advertisement Williams was the chief author of a bipartisan compromise that preserved funding for the arts endowment while leaving decisions about obscenity to the courts. He became known as the savior of the NEA. He was also the sponsor of a pet bill, the Professional Boxing Safety Act, which required safety standards for professional fighters. Congress passed it in 1996. 'Yeah, I fought as a kid in Butte,' Williams told The New York Times. 'Back there you had to be a Democrat, and you had to be able to fight. Boxers are workers and deserve health protection.' John Patrick Williams was born Oct. 30, 1937, in Helena, Montana, the state capital. His parents, Shelton and Libby Williams, owned a candy shop in Butte. Evel Knievel, the daredevil motorcyclist, was a cousin who was born in Butte one year later, and the two boys tussled and played often, according to a Knievel biography. The family's hometown was built on copper mining, which had attracted waves of Irish immigrants. It was staunchly pro-union and embraced the working-class populism of the New Deal. Williams graduated from Butte High School in 1956 and earned a Bachelor of Arts from the University of Denver in 1961. He returned home to teach in the public schools from 1963 to 1969. Butte voters sent him in 1967 to the Montana House of Representatives, where he served two terms. Advertisement His wife, Carol Griffith Williams, whom he married in 1965, also became a state lawmaker, serving as the Democratic leader in the Montana Senate. She survives him, as do a son, Griff; two daughters, Erin and Whitney Williams; and five grandchildren. Williams first sought federal office in 1974 but lost the Democratic primary for a House seat to Max Baucus. Four years later, when Baucus moved up to run successfully for the Senate, Williams was elected to replace him in the House. When he announced that he would not seek reelection in 1996, joining the faculty of the University of Montana at age 59, he said his greatest regret was not to have revived a bill vetoed by Reagan that would have protected 1.4 million acres of pristine Montana wilderness. Reagan said he wanted to protect jobs and mining development in the state. Williams considered the jobs-versus-the-environment trade-off a false choice. 'A clean environment,' he said in 1992, 'has been and will be an absolute cash register for this state.' This article originally appeared in

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