From access to agency: Uplifting India's marginalised
India's empowerment journey is at a critical inflection point. While its developmental story often showcases soaring GDP figures and rising global stature, this progress masks a more complex reality.
For millions on the margins, advancement remains a distant promise. Caste, gender, disability, religion, and sexuality frequently intersect, forging layers of exclusion that persist despite legislative guarantees.
It's in these invisible trenches that the real battle for empowerment is unfolding — quiet, yet transformational. At the heart of this shift is a recalibration of what empowerment means.
No longer is it just about delivering benefits. As Nobel laureate Amartya Sen and feminist scholar Naila Kabeer argue, empowerment must expand people's capabilities and life choices. That means not merely giving marginalised
communities access to goods and services, but enabling them to exercise voice, agency, and dignity.
India has, in recent years, initiated an array of legal and policy instruments to address entrenched inequities. The Rights of Persons with Disabilities Act (2016), Forest Rights Act (2006), and Transgender Persons Act (2019) are emblematic of this shift.
Schemes like MGNREGA and the Ujjwala Yojana have brought work and clean fuel to rural doorsteps. Yet implementation reveals uneven outcomes, especially among Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and women with disabilities.
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Bihar's Viklang Sashaktikaran Yojna and Telangana's Aasara pension scheme are examples of state-level adaptations that attempt to bridge local gaps. Civil society networks like Wada Na Todo Abhiyan monitor and pressure govts to fulfil promises, adding a layer of accountability. Meanwhile, institutions such as
NITI Aayog
's SDG coordination centres are beginning to integrate community voices in planning and monitoring processes.
But real change hinges on more than schemes. It requires systems that understand complexity. A tribal woman with a disability, for instance, doesn't just need a wheelchair ramp. She needs coordinated entitlements, accessible communication, and community support that acknowledges the multi-layered nature of her exclusion.
Corporate India, too, is stepping in with purpose. CSR is evolving beyond cheque-writing.
Projects like ITC's Mission Sunehra Kal, which has mobilised over 3.5 lakh women into self-help groups, or HUL's Project Shakti, empowering over 1.3 lakh rural women with entrepreneurship and hygiene training, are crafting new templates for inclusive growth. Vedanta's Nand Ghar and NTPC's Girl Empowerment Mission are weaving nutrition, education, and health into holistic empowerment.
These initiatives are not without limitations.
Intersectional targeting is still nascent. While SC/ST inclusion has improved, a closer look reveals gaps in addressing compounded vulnerabilities—say, for transgender persons with disabilities or religious minorities in remote areas.
CSR interventions must therefore move from outcome counting to impact mapping, using tools like storytelling, community audits, and life histories to understand what change looks like from the ground.
International partnerships add momentum. UNDP-supported projects like the Gender Seal for Development are institutionalising gender equity across health systems and skilling programmes like SMILE.
A major structural reform is the govt's push for third-party evaluations of centrally-sponsored schemes, undertaken by the Development Monitoring and Evaluation Office (DMEO). These assessments are unearthing the gaps and successes that often escape attention.
The convergence of law, policy, civil society, and corporate commitment offers an unparalleled opportunity. But the real test lies in embedding intersectionality — in seeing the individual not just through one identity marker but through all that shapes their lived reality. Welfare delivery must give way to systems of recognition, redistribution, and representation.
Only then will India's growth story be truly inclusive, not just in charts and numbers, but in lives changed, voices heard, and futures reimagined.
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Time of India
22 minutes ago
- Time of India
Instant Scholar: Samuel P Huntington's 'The Soldier and the State' - a foundational work on civil-military relations
Representative AI image generated by Denny When The Soldier and the State was published in 1957, it instantly became a landmark contribution to the field of political science, especially in the domain of civil-military relations. Written by Samuel P. Huntington—later known for The Clash of Civilizations —the book was the first comprehensive theoretical framework to analyse how democratic states should manage their military forces without compromising either national security or liberal democratic norms. Over half a century later, Huntington 's ideas continue to shape academic research, military policy, and civilian oversight practices across the world. What Is the Book About? At its core, The Soldier and the State addresses a fundamental dilemma: how can a society ensure civilian control over the military while still maintaining an effective and professional fighting force? Huntington believed that the key to this balance lay in professionalism. He proposed that a truly professional officer corps would remain politically neutral and subordinate to civilian authority while maintaining the military expertise necessary for national defence. He called this balance objective civilian control. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Giao dịch vàng CFDs với sàn môi giới tin cậy IC Markets Tìm hiểu thêm Undo Key Concepts Explained 1. The Professional Soldier Huntington opens by examining what it means to be a professional soldier. Drawing on sociological and philosophical traditions, he identifies three defining characteristics of a military professional: Expertise: Mastery over a complex body of specialized knowledge, particularly in the management of violence. Responsibility: A commitment to using this expertise for the benefit of society, namely by serving the state and defending its interests. Corporateness: A sense of unity and identity within the officer corps, fostered by training institutions, rituals, and a shared professional ethic. This framing set the stage for his larger argument: if the military is allowed to develop as a distinct and autonomous professional institution, it will be both apolitical and effective. 2. Objective vs. Subjective Civilian Control Perhaps the most enduring theoretical contribution of the book is Huntington's distinction between subjective and objective civilian control: Subjective Civilian Control: Civilian groups—such as political parties, ideologies, or interest factions—seek to control the military by merging it into their own structure. This includes practices like appointing military leaders based on loyalty or enforcing ideological conformity. For example, a leftist government might politicise the military to ensure it supports socialist values, while a conservative regime might rely on military backing to suppress dissent. Huntington criticises this model, arguing that it weakens military professionalism and risks politicising the armed forces. Objective Civilian Control: Civilian leaders maintain firm control over the military by acknowledging and respecting its autonomy as a professional body. The military, in turn, remains politically neutral and focuses strictly on defence matters. Huntington sees this model as superior, arguing that a professional military with political detachment is more reliable and loyal to the constitutional order. 3. The Military Mindset: Realism and Conservatism Another distinctive feature of Huntington's analysis is his portrayal of the military ethos. According to him, the military profession is naturally inclined toward a conservative and realist worldview. Key traits include: Skepticism of change : The military values tradition, hierarchy, and discipline, making it wary of rapid political or social transformations. Focus on order and security : Officers are trained to view the world in terms of threats, conflict, and strategy, rather than ideals or reform. Moral clarity : Military culture often encourages binary thinking—friend vs. foe, duty vs. betrayal—which can conflict with civilian complexity and compromise. Huntington does not see this conservative orientation as inherently problematic; in fact, he argues that it serves as a necessary counterbalance to the liberal values of civilian society. The danger arises, he claims, when civilians attempt to mould the military in their own ideological image. Case Studies: US, Britain, and Prussia To ground his theory, Huntington offers historical and comparative analysis of civil-military relations in three key countries: United States In the US, Huntington believed the tradition of civilian supremacy was strong but had undervalued military professionalism. American liberalism often fostered distrust of standing armies, leading to a military that was politically subordinated but also underdeveloped professionally. He called for greater respect for military autonomy in order to build a more capable defence establishment. United Kingdom Britain represented a model of subjective control, where the military was closely tied to the aristocracy and the civilian elite. Huntington viewed this as stable but less applicable to democratic societies with broader political participation. Prussia Prussia (later Germany) exemplified objective control: the military developed as a distinct, professional body with a clear mission and a strong sense of duty to the state. Huntington admired the Prussian model for its balance of autonomy and subordination, although he acknowledged its flaws—especially its later descent into nationalism and militarism during the World Wars. Huntington's View on American Civil-Military Relations Huntington's own context—the early Cold War—deeply influenced his recommendations. In the 1950s, the United States was confronting a long-term geopolitical threat from the Soviet Union. At the same time, domestic politics were turbulent, with intense partisan competition and ideological suspicion (e.g., McCarthyism ). In this environment, Huntington urged a restructuring of civil-military relations to meet the demands of a permanent national security state. His main arguments included: The US should embrace a more professionalised military that could think strategically and act globally. Civilian leaders must resist politicising the military, especially in times of national crisis. The officer corps should be educated not just in tactics but in grand strategy and policy, making it a capable partner—not a rival—of civilian leadership. Influence and Criticisms Why the Book Matters Since its publication, The Soldier and the State has become a foundational text for scholars, military officers, and policymakers alike. It introduced a clear normative framework for understanding and managing civil-military relations in liberal democracies. The book is routinely assigned in war colleges, political science departments, and defence institutions. Its principles continue to influence how nations like the United States, India, and Israel train their military and oversee national defence. Key Criticisms Despite its influence, Huntington's work has drawn critiques over the years: Overidealisation of the Prussian model: Some scholars argue that Huntington overlooked the dangers of excessive military autonomy, such as the rise of militarism in Germany. Assumption of military apoliticism: Critics say that even 'professional' militaries can develop institutional interests and ideological leanings, which may subtly influence policy. Rigid binary thinking: The distinction between subjective and objective control may oversimplify a more complex reality where civil-military interactions are fluid and contextual. Modern scholars like Peter Feaver and Eliot Cohen have developed more nuanced models (e.g., the 'agency theory' or 'unequal dialogue' frameworks) that attempt to describe the real-world interplay between military institutions and civilian leaders. Relevance Today In an era marked by military coups, democratic backsliding, and politicisation of defence forces across many countries, Huntington's insights remain disturbingly relevant. From Turkey and Egypt to the United States and India, the debate over civilian supremacy versus military autonomy is far from settled. As democracies grapple with threats both internal and external, the challenge is to maintain strong and effective armed forces without eroding the civilian foundations of constitutional government. Huntington's answer still resonates: Professionalism, not politicisation, is the key to a stable civil-military relationship. Samuel P. Huntington's The Soldier and the State offers a powerful theoretical lens through which to view one of the most critical aspects of governance—how to manage the relationship between the sword and the shield, between the guardians and those they serve. While not without its critics, the book remains an essential guide for understanding the delicate balance between military power and democratic control, a question as vital today as it was in 1957. Full text: Samuel P Huntington's 'The Soldier and the State' Ready to navigate global policies? Secure your overseas future. Get expert guidance now!
Time of India
39 minutes ago
- Time of India
Maharashtra minister Rane objects to 'Hindus' being targeted for not speaking in Marathi
BJP leader and Maharashtra minister Nitesh Rane has taken exception to MNS supporters allegedly beating up a 'Hindu man' for not speaking in Marathi, and asked if "those who wear skull caps" speak the language well. He was reacting to a viral video showing workers of the Raj Thackeray-led Maharashtra Navnirman Sena thrashing a shop-keeper in Bhayandar area on the outskirts of the state capital for allegedly refusing to speak in Marathi. "A Hindu man was beaten are poor Hindus being assaulted? If you have the courage, try going to Null Bazaar or Mohammad Ali Road and show your strength there," Rane said at the legislature complex on Thursday. Play Video Pause Skip Backward Skip Forward Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration 0:00 Loaded : 0% 0:00 Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 1x Playback Rate Chapters Chapters Descriptions descriptions off , selected Captions captions settings , opens captions settings dialog captions off , selected Audio Track Picture-in-Picture Fullscreen This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Text Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Caption Area Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Opacity Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Drop shadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 참 분리형으로 팔찌&목걸이 2way 활용 유니세프 지금 기부하기 Undo Null Bazaar or Mohammad Ali Road are predominantly Muslim localities in south Mumbai. "Do those with beards and skull caps in Mohammad Ali Road (area) speak pure Marathi? Do Javed Akhtar or Aamir Khan speak Marathi? You do not have the courage to make them speak in Marathi, but you choose to assault poor Hindus instead," the minister further said. Live Events The controversy over Hindi was an attempt to divide Hindus, Rane claimed. "This is a conspiracy to turn the country into an Islamic state. Through love jihad, land jihad and other tactics, attempts are being made to reduce the number of Hindus in Mumbai. This violence is part of that strategy. Why do you not go to Malvani and assault people there? Do they speak in pure Marathi?" the BJP leader said. The present government was elected by the Hindus and is rooted in Hindutva ideology , he said, adding, "If anyone dares to act in this manner, our government will also respond." Elsewhere, Rane's cabinet colleague Pratap Sarnaik, a leader of the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, also took a swipe at the MNS, saying it does not have a monopoly over Marathi. "Does the MNS alone possess the right to fight for the Marathi language? If someone is taking law into their hands and targeting working-class individuals for political or financial gains, it will not be tolerated," Sarnaik said. "We also take pride in being Marathi and in our Hindutva identity. We will not tolerate such incidents. Traders should not be threatened. I had asked the police to take action, and they have done so," he said. The language issue came to the fore ahead of coming civic elections after the BJP-led government sought to introduce Hindi as a third language from Class 1 in state schools. The order triggered angry protests with allegations that Hindi was being imposed on students, and was eventually withdrawn. While the video of the shopkeeper being assaulted in Bhayandar circulated on social media, another viral video showed two persons being made to apologise to a man in the presence of Shiv Sena ( UBT ) leader Rajan Vichare for allegedly assaulting him, and one of them was slapped by the "victim". "Speak in Marathi since you have hit a Marathi person," a voice is heard telling one of the two men while he tries to say something to Vichare, a former MP from Thane.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
China to impose anti-dumping tariffs on EU brandy
China to impose anti-dumping tariffs on EU brandy(AP PHOTO) China said it will impose "anti-dumping" taxes of up to 34.9 percent on brandy imported from the European Union starting from Saturday, adding to tensions between the major trading partners. Beijing launched an investigation last year into EU brandy, months after the bloc undertook a probe into Chinese electric vehicle (EV) subsidies. It later said it had determined in a preliminary ruling that dumping had occurred and imposed "temporary anti-dumping measures" on imports of the alcoholic beverage. And Beijing's commerce ministry said on Friday that China's tariff commission had "decided to impose anti-dumping duties on imports of relevant brandy originating in the EU from July 5, 2025". "The investigating authority finally ruled that there was dumping of relevant brandy imported from the EU," the ministry said in a statement. "The domestic relevant brandy industry was threatened with substantial damages, and there was a causal relationship between the dumping and that threat," it said. The levies will apply to brandy in containers of less than 200 litres, according to the ministry. It said the tax rate on French liquor giant Jas Hennessy would be 34.9 percent. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like American Investor Warren Buffett Recommends: 5 Books For Turning Your Life Around Blinkist: Warren Buffett's Reading List Undo Remy Martin will be hit with 34.3 percent and Martell 27.7 percent. The levies come as Chinese top diplomat Wang Yi has held fraught meetings with his counterparts during a tour of Europe this week. And they will likely be high on the agenda when he meets French Foreign Minister Jean-Noel Barrot on Friday afternoon in Paris. - Bitter taste - A trade spat between Beijing and the bloc erupted last summer when the EU moved towards imposing hefty tariffs on EVs imported from China, arguing that Beijing's subsidies were unfairly undercutting European competitors. Beijing denied that claim and announced what were widely seen as retaliatory probes into imported European pork, brandy and dairy products. The EU imposed extra import taxes of up to 35 percent on Chinese EV imports last October. Beijing later lodged a complaint with the World Trade Organization, which said in April that it would set up an expert panel to assess the EU's decision. China is a major market for French cognac, with exports worth 1.4 billion euros ($1.6 billion) per year. The anti-dumping measures are costing the industry 50 million euros per month. China and the EU are scheduled to hold a summit this month to mark the 50th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic ties. But the festivities come at a time of strained relations, with the trade tensions compounded by Beijing's position on the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which Brussels says shows tacit support for Moscow.
