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How 2015 Snyder plan allowed Michigan's state fuel tax to quietly creep up

How 2015 Snyder plan allowed Michigan's state fuel tax to quietly creep up

Yahoo11-02-2025
LANSING — Out of sight and mostly out of mind, the state fuel tax has quietly increased by nearly 5 cents a gallon since the last road funding deal was struck, rising to 31 cents per gallon as of Jan. 1.
Gov. Gretchen Whitmer outlined a plan Monday she said would raise an extra $3 billion for roads. It would require approval from the Legislature, including from the GOP-controlled state House.
A plan approved by state lawmakers under former Gov. Rick Snyder, back in 2015, increased the fuel tax from 19 cents to 26.3 cents per gallon. But the plan also called for the fuel tax to be indexed to inflation going forward, up to a maximum of 5% annually. That's how Michigan's total fuel tax has increased an additional 4.7 cents per gallon since then, with no legislative action required.
The fuel tax is expected to generate a little over $1.6 billion for the Michigan Department of Transportation to spend on roads in the 2026 fiscal year that begins Oct. 1, with a little over $1.3 billion coming from the gas tax, about $286 million from taxes on diesel fuels, and just under $2.4 million from taxes on liquefied petroleum and alternative fuels, according to the Michigan Department of Transportation and the Treasury Department.
In 2015, the motor fuel tax generated a little over $1 billion, according to the House Fiscal Agency. That increased to about $1.5 billion in the 2024 fiscal year.
The inflationary increases in the fuel tax have allowed fuel tax revenues to continue to increase, despite a decline in overall fuel consumption since 2015, as vehicles have become more fuel-efficient and many motorists have shifted to electric vehicles or hybrids.
In 2023, the most recent year cited in a 2024 report from the House Fiscal Agency, about 5.1 billion gallons of gasoline and diesel fuel were sold in Michigan, the report said. That was down from close to 5.5 billion gallons in 2015, the report said.
The 31-cent-per-gallon fuel tax, by itself, puts Michigan near the top third of states, with 17 states having a similar or higher state excise tax on fuel, according to data from the U.S. Energy Information Administration. But when Michigan's 6% sales tax on fuel is included, total state taxes of about 48 cents a gallon in Michigan are only exceeded by five states: California (69 cents); Illinois (66 cents); Pennsylvania (59 cents); and Indiana and Washington (53 cents).
Whitmer's plan would remove the sales tax from Michigan fuel sales and replace it with an equivalent amount of fuel tax, so that the overall price of a gallon of fuel does not change. All revenues from fuel taxes go toward roads, while most sales tax revenues go to support schools. Whitmer says her plan would ensure that schools would be held harmless.
According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, Michigan is one of 24 states where the fuel tax is adjusted periodically, based on inflation or other metrics, with no legislative action required.
Contact Paul Egan: 517-372-8660 or pegan@freepress.com.
This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: Michigan's fuel tax has crept up nearly 5 cents a gallon over 10 years
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Limited options for Democrats to retaliate if Texas Republicans redraw congressional map
Limited options for Democrats to retaliate if Texas Republicans redraw congressional map

San Francisco Chronicle​

time29 minutes ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Limited options for Democrats to retaliate if Texas Republicans redraw congressional map

WASHINGTON (AP) — As Republicans move to redraw legislative maps in red states to pad their narrow House majority in Washington, some Democrats are rethinking their embrace of a nonpartisan approach to line-drawing that now complicates their party's ability to hit back before next year's midterm elections. In many Democratic-controlled states, independent commissions rather than the state legislature handle redistricting, the normally-once-a-decade task of adjusting congressional and legislative districts so their populations are equal. Parties in the majority can exploit that process to shape their lawmakers' districts so they are almost guaranteed reelection. The commission model limits parties' ability to game the system, leading to more competitive districts. Not all redistricting commissions were created at Democrats' insistence. And, like Republicans, the party has exploited line-drawing for its own gain in the handful of states where it controls the process. But unlike Republicans, many Democratic Party leaders have embraced the nonpartisan model. That means Democrats have fewer options to match Republicans, who are redrawing the U.S. House map in Texas at President Donald Trump's urging to carve out as many asfive new winnable seats for the GOP. That could be enough to prevent Democrats from winning back the majority next year. Democrats have threatened payback. During a gathering Friday in Wisconsin of Democratic governors, several of them said they wanted to retaliate because the stakes are so high. Wisconsin Gov. Tony Evers, who has pushed for a nonpartisan redistricting commission in his state, said Democrats must 'do whatever we can' to counter the Republican efforts to redraw congressional maps. 'When you have a gun against your head, you've got to do something,' he said. Despite the ambitious talk, Democrats largely have their hands tied. Democratic states have limited ability to redistrict for political edge California Gov. Gavin Newsom has said he and the Democratic-controlled Legislature will try to redraw his state's congressional map. But they would need to repeal or defy the 2008 ballot measure creating an independent redistricting commission. Voters extended its authority to congressional districts two years later. Newsom supported the constitutional amendment at the time, when he was mayor of San Francisco. The Texas redistricting, which is expected to pass the Legislature next week, led him to modify that position. 'We can act holier than thou, we can sit on the sidelines, talk about the way the world should be, or we can recognize the existential nature that is this moment,' Newsom said earlier this month. In New York, which also has a commission, the state constitution bars another map this decade. Democrats have moved for a change, but that could not happen until 2027 at the earliest, and then only with voter approval. In other states where Democrats control the governor's office and legislature, including Colorado and Washington, the party has backed independent commissions that cannot redraw, let alone rig, maps in the middle of the decade. Democrats say 'foundations of our democracy' at stake When the redistricting cycle kicked off in 2021, after the last census, independent commissions were in charge of drawing 95 House seats that otherwise would have been drawn by Democrats, but only 13 that would have been created by Republicans. In a marker of the shift among Democrats, former Attorney General Eric Holder, who heads the party's redistricting effort and has called repeatedly for a more nonpartisan approach, seemed to bless his party's long shot efforts to overrule their commissions. 'We do not oppose – on a temporary basis – responsible, responsive actions to ensure that the foundations of our democracy are not permanently eroded,' Holder said in a statement last week. 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Commissions promote 'fair representation,' advocates say Advocates of a nonpartisan model are alarmed by the shift among Democrats. They say the party would redistrict just as aggressively as the GOP if not held in check, depriving voters of a voice in districts whose winners would essentially be selected in advance by political leaders. 'We're very desperate — we're looking for any port in a storm,' said Emily Eby French, Common Cause's Texas director. 'This Democratic tit for tat redistricting seems like a port but it's not a port. It's a jagged rock with a bunch of sirens on them.' The group's director of redistricting, Dan Vicuña, said using redistricting for partisan advantage — known as gerrymandering — is highly unpopular with the public: 'This is about fair representation for communities." Politicians used to shy away from discussing it openly, but that has changed in today's polarized environment. Trump earlier this month told reporters about his hopes of netting five additional GOP seats in Texas and more out of other Republican-controlled states. He has urged new maps in GOP-controlled states such as Indiana and Missouri, while Ohio Republicans are poised to reshape political lines after neutralizing a push to create an independent redistricting commission. Democrats are divided over how to respond to Texas In a sign of the party's divide, Democrats have continued to push for a national redistricting panel that would remove partisanship from the process, even as some call for retaliation against Republicans in defiance of state limitations. 'No unilateral disarmament till both sides are following the law,' said Arizona Sen. Ruben Gallego, like Newsom a possible 2028 presidential contender, wrote on X. Gallego's post came a day before his Democratic colleagues gathered to announce they were reintroducing a bill to create the national commission. An identical bill died in 2022 when it couldn't overcome Republican objections despite Democrats controlling Congress and the presidency. It has no chance now that the GOP is in charge of both branches. Sen. Chris Murphy, another potential 2028 contender, didn't express regret over past reforms that have implemented independent redistricting boards in Democratic states, saying the party "should never apologize for being for the right thing.' But he added that Republicans 'are operating outside of the box right now and we can't stay inside the box.' 'If they're changing districts in the middle of the 10-year cycle, we have to do the same thing,' he said. That approach, however, hasn't caught on across the party. 'We shouldn't stoop to their tactics,' Sen. Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut said. 'It's an ideal that we have accurate and fair representation. We can't abandon it just because Republicans try to manipulate and distort it.' ___ Riccardi reported from Denver. Associated Press writers Scott Bauer in Madison, Wisconsin, Jaimie Ding in Los Angeles, Anthony Izaguirre in Albany, New York, and Brian Witte in Annapolis, Maryland, contributed to this report.

Before the attacks, Senate candidates seek to define themselves in Kentucky
Before the attacks, Senate candidates seek to define themselves in Kentucky

San Francisco Chronicle​

time29 minutes ago

  • San Francisco Chronicle​

Before the attacks, Senate candidates seek to define themselves in Kentucky

CALVERT CITY, Ky. (AP) — Three Republicans competing to succeed longtime Sen. Mitch McConnell tried to define themselves before the political attacks that could come Saturday when they share the spotlight at the Fancy Farm picnic, a daunting rite of passage for candidates seeking statewide office in Kentucky. 'You're going to hear some barbs tomorrow, but what I want to focus on is my vision for serving in the United States Senate,' Daniel Cameron, one of the candidates, told a GOP crowd Friday evening. Cameron's rivals in next year's Senate primary — U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and businessman Nate Morris — used their speeches at the event to introduce themselves to Republican voters in western Kentucky. All three could shift into attack mode against each other Saturday afternoon at the Fancy Farm picnic — the Bluegrass State's premier political event. Politicians compete to land the sharpest — and sometimes most outlandish — barbs, and have to endure shouting and heckling from their rivals' supporters. The picnic could turn into a Republican skirmish since Democratic politicians are mostly skipping the event. McConnell, the longest-serving Senate party leader in U.S. history, revealed in February, on his 83rd birthday, that he won't seek another term in Kentucky and will retire when his current term ends. His pending retirement has set up a fierce competition for his seat. Warming up for their appearance that will air on statewide TV at Fancy Farm, the three GOP rivals kept to one script they've all shared — lavishing praise on Republican President Donald Trump. Barr portrayed his congressional experience as an advantage that sets him apart. He represents a district stretching from central Kentucky's bluegrass region to the Appalachian foothills. 'I'm an 'America First' fighter in the United States Congress," Barr said Friday night. 'Other people like to talk about being a Trump guy or being with Trump. I've been with President Trump from day one. I'm not just talking about supporting President Trump. I've done it. I'm continuing to do it.' Giving voters a glimpse into his political philosophy, Barr said: 'I'm a guy who was raised in the era of Ronald Reagan. I believe in limited government, free enterprise and a strong national defense.' Morris, a tech entrepreneur, portrayed himself as a populist and a political outsider while trying to attach himself to Trump's popularity in Kentucky. 'What we've seen with this president is that he has put emphasis back on the American worker," Morris said Friday night. "And the people that have been in Washington for all this time -- the elites – they sold out the American worker.' Morris also touted his hardline stance on immigration. He said he supports a moratorium on immigration into the United States until every immigrant currently in the country illegally is deported. Cameron, who is Black, used his speech to rail against diversity, equity and inclusion efforts. 'We don't need … an America built on DEI," Cameron said. "We need a country that's built on MEI – merit, excellence and intelligence.' Cameron entered the Senate campaign with one clear advantage — a higher statewide name recognition than his rivals. Cameron served one term as state attorney general and lost to Democrat Andy Beshear in the 2023 governor's race. 'You've been with us in the past," Cameron told the GOP group Friday night. "I hope that you'll be with us this time. We're going to get it done because we know that what happens in this seat will have reverberations across this country.'

Republicans Might Regret Putting Emil Bove on the Bench
Republicans Might Regret Putting Emil Bove on the Bench

Atlantic

time30 minutes ago

  • Atlantic

Republicans Might Regret Putting Emil Bove on the Bench

Donald Trump got his man. On Tuesday, the Senate voted to confirm Emil Bove, the president's former criminal-defense lawyer, to a lifetime appointment as a federal judge on the Third Circuit Court of Appeals. During his brief tenure as a top Justice Department official, Bove behaved like someone who still believed that the president was his client: directing political purges, pushing out employees who refused to carry out unethical orders, and allegedly urging subordinates to defy court rulings that constrained Trump's agenda. But Trump and his allies might come to regret appointing such a transparent partisan to the federal bench. A few weeks ago, a group of former Justice Department lawyers, including me, asked to meet with Republican senators to discuss the Bove nomination. We all had worked on prosecutions related to January 6; several members of the group were among the roughly two dozen lawyers whom Bove had fired for precisely that reason. Our argument was that even Republican senators eager to push the judiciary to the right should, out of their own self-interest, vote against confirming Bove. Unfortunately, staff for just one senator, Chuck Grassley, agreed to meet with us. Most offices never even responded. Because they were unwilling to hear us in private, I will make our argument in public. Quinta Jurecic: Emil Bove is a sign of the times Since he first took office, in 2017, Trump has maintained the support of Senate Republicans in part through a simple bargain: They put up with his obvious unfitness for office, and in exchange, he appoints reliably conservative judges to the federal courts. But by appointing Bove—whose only apparent loyalty is to his own ambition, not to any particular legal philosophy—the GOP might have limited its own ability to appoint judges in the future. This is because the president typically gets to appoint new judges only when old ones die, retire, or move into the quasi-retirement position of 'senior status.' And some judges, even conservative ones who would otherwise be happy to let a Republican president pick their replacement, are likely to delay their retirement rather than hand Trump the opportunity to make more Bove-style appointments. The evidence suggests that this is already happening. Many federal judges time their retirement based on which party is in power: Democrat-appointed judges are likelier to retire when a Democrat is president, Republican-appointed judges when a Republican is. So far through Trump's second term, however, conservative judges aren't retiring at the pace they typically do. An analysis by Bloomberg Law found that 26 judicial seats opened up from the beginning of the year through the first five months of Trump's first term, as did 57 judicial seats during the same period of Joe Biden's presidency. By contrast, through June 1 of his second term, Trump gained just 16 vacancies to fill. Ursula Ungaro, a retired judge appointed by George W. Bush, told Bloomberg Law that she'd heard a 'hint or two' that her former peers 'would stay beyond their eligibility for senior status to see what happens toward the end of the Trump administration.' From the October 2024 issue: The judges who serve at Trump's pleasure Even before Bove's appointment, then, judges seem to have been worried about the type of person Trump would appoint to replace them. During Trump's first term, they had likely been assuaged by the fact that the president relied on leaders of the conservative legal movement, especially the Federalist Society's Leonard Leo, to help make his judicial picks. No longer. Frustrated that judges he appointed have occasionally ruled against his administration, Trump now calls Leo a 'real 'sleazebag'' who 'probably hates America.' The president evidently feels free to pick his own judges, and he is picking people like Bove. Bove is not the kind of lawyer that a traditionally conservative judge would want to be replaced by. He oversaw a purge of January 6 prosecutors despite the fact that he had once eagerly worked on January 6 cases himself. He pushed out career lawyers who refused to go along with an obviously unethical order to drop the corruption prosecution of New York City Mayor Eric Adams. And, according to two whistleblowers, he urged government lawyers to ignore a federal court order halting deportation flights. Bove allegedly told subordinates that they would need to consider telling judges 'fuck you' if courts ordered the government to stop. As a practicing lawyer and former prosecutor, I find this astonishing. I have never heard a colleague or opposing counsel propose to ignore a court order; it runs counter to our entire profession. For judges who care about the rule of law, even very conservative ones, Bove's conduct offers a reason to reconsider retirement. Senate Republicans should keep that in mind the next time Trump nominates someone like him to the federal bench.

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