logo
Prashant Kishor slams PM Narendra Modi's Siwan visit: ‘Bihar not going to fall for hoax'

Prashant Kishor slams PM Narendra Modi's Siwan visit: ‘Bihar not going to fall for hoax'

Hindustan Times19 hours ago

Jan Suraaj Party (JSP) Founder Prashant Kishor on Sunday criticised Prime Minister Narendra Modi over his visit to Siwan, accusing him of ignoring key issues like unemployment and student migration in Bihar. Jan Suraaj is led by Prashant Kishor and is in fray for Bihar polls.(PTI)
Speaking to the media during his 'Bihar Badlav' rally in Siwan, Kishor said, "Did Modi ji speak about how to stop migration of students in Siwan? Modi ji should talk about when people will get employment in Bihar."
"Modi Ji came down from his helicopter, spoke about four things, and left. The people of Bihar are no longer going to fall for that hoax," he added.
On June 20, PM Modi visited Siwan, where he flagged off a state-of-the-art locomotive built at the Marhowra Plant, for export to the Republic of Guinea, under the 'Make in India' initiative.
The plant became the first to manufacture an export locomotive. They are equipped with high-horsepower engines, advanced AC propulsion systems, microprocessor-based control systems, and ergonomic cab designs, incorporating technologies like regenerative braking.
PM Modi also flagged off the Vande Bharat Express between Patliputra and Gorakhpur via Muzaffarpur and Bettiah on Friday.
During his visit, PM Modi criticised opposition parties in Bihar for the slow progress of the state during their tenure. He said that the Congress and RJD supported Gundaraj and corruption.
"RJD and Congress are against Bihar and investments. They can never make a place in the heart of Biharis," the Prime Minister said.
Intensifying his criticism of the INDIA bloc allies, Prime Minister Narendra Modi accused the RJD and Congress of undermining the self-respect of the people of Bihar, "My Bihari brothers and sisters show their mettle by working even in the most difficult situations. They never compromise with his self-respect. But the people with the Panja (Congress) and the lantern (RJD) together have greatly hurt Bihar's self-respect."
The Bihar Assembly elections are expected to be held later this year, in October or November; however, the Election Commission of India (ECI) has not yet announced the exact dates.
While the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) seeks to retain power, the INDIA bloc, comprising the RJD and Congress, aims to oust it. Jan Suraaj, led by Prashant Kishor, is also seeking the people's mandate.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Unmasking the social justice script of the Bihar Mahagathbandhan
Unmasking the social justice script of the Bihar Mahagathbandhan

Indian Express

time19 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Unmasking the social justice script of the Bihar Mahagathbandhan

When the Bihar government under the Mahagathbandhan banner initiated a state-level caste-based survey in 2023, it was presented as a transformative step toward social justice. Headlines glorified it, campaign speeches claimed it was a revolutionary milestone, and Tejashwi Yadav projected himself as a champion of backward caste empowerment. In reality, this was a political manoeuvre, engineered more for headlines than for genuine upliftment. Despite being marketed as a caste census, the exercise was no census in the legal or scientific sense. A census is a rigorous, legally-backed exercise typically conducted under the Census Act of 1948 by the central government. It involves trained enumerators, standardised formats, multiple rounds of verification, and most importantly, national uniformity in execution. This, however, was a state-level caste survey with no statutory backing, limited standardisation, and questionable accuracy. By contrast, the so-called 'caste survey' under the Mahagathbandhan government was a hurriedly executed, state-level data collection exercise; conducted without clear methodological transparency and was not supported by any judicial or policy framework to integrate its findings into actionable governance. In short, it was not a caste census, but a political sampler, and a poor one at that. The most glaring weakness of this exercise was its failure to move beyond numerical enumeration. It told us how many people belong to a particular caste, but it said nothing about how they live. No data was collected on: Poverty levels by caste, literacy and dropout rates, access to health and sanitation, participation in public employment or government schemes, regional disparities within caste groups, etc. In essence, the survey reduced Bahujans, Dalits, EBCs, and Adivasis to population units, not policy subjects. It provided no basis for targeted interventions, sectoral budgeting, or proportional programmatic allocation. It offered visibility without viability. Tejashwi Yadav, despite his political positioning, did little to bridge this gap. The absence of follow-up frameworks — no deprivation index, no targeted welfare expansion, no legal roadmap — shows how shallow the intent really was. The real objective was clear: Consolidate the M-Y (Muslim-Yadav) vote bank. This M-Y axis has been the bedrock of the RJD's electoral strategy since its inception. The caste survey functioned as a numerical reaffirmation of this strategy, cloaked in the language of representation. However, the most deprived and voiceless sections of Bihar's caste spectrum, that is, the Mahadalits, SC sub-groups, Adivasis, EBCs like Nonia, Kevat, Tanti, and Musahar, remained peripheral to both data collection and policy direction. There was no outreach to Bahujan scholars, no consultation with grassroots Dalit activists, no representation from subaltern collectives in the design or analysis phase. The entire survey was structured to consolidate electoral strength, not social strength. One of the more politically charged demands emerging from Tejashwi Yadav post-survey was that the proposed 85 per cent reservation (SC+ST+OBC+EBC+others) be included in the Ninth Schedule of the Constitution, thus insulating it from judicial scrutiny. But on what scientific basis is this 85 per cent figure determined? There is no caste-wise deprivation matrix to support it. Has there been any expert committee that has recommended this based on empirical findings? Is the Ninth Schedule a magic wand? Even laws under it can be reviewed by courts if they violate fundamental rights (IR Coelho v State of Tamil Nadu, 2007). More worryingly, there has been no formal dialogue with the Union Government, no all-party resolution, and no legal roadmap for such inclusion. It remains a talking point, not a policy position. The Mahagathbandhan government had the opportunity. It should have constituted a Backwardness Commission to analyse data and recommend proportional schemes; created a deprivation index for each caste, using indicators like access to education, employment, landholding, and healthcare; initiated sector-wise resource allocation plans based on this index; set up legal groundwork through a constitutional commission for justifying any enhancement in reservation; and launched intra-caste equity programs, especially for sub-castes within SC and OBCs that remain disadvantaged. None of this happened. There were no schemes for EBCs, no Dalit entrepreneurship missions, no targeted educational reforms. What emerged instead was a PR campaign with Tejashwi Yadav at its centre, drawing attention more for performance than policy. While he may still be seen by some as a political successor to Mandal, the delivery deficit reveals how thin the claims really are. While other parties reduced caste surveys to symbolic optics and vote-bank manipulation, Chirag Paswan emerged as a true champion of Bahujan and Dalit empowerment. As Union Minister, he strongly advocated for a scientific, nationwide caste census that goes far beyond mere headcounts. His vision incorporates real indicators — education, employment, housing, income — designed not just to represent communities, but to uplift them. Chirag Paswan's approach reflects an understanding that justice cannot rest on slogans. His insistence on reliable data, institutional accountability, and constitutionally sound implementation sets him apart from leaders who seek to use the Bahujan identity for electoral staging. By working toward policies grounded in empirical evidence and legal clarity, he has positioned himself as one of the few national leaders genuinely invested in transformative social justice. His role has not just been performative; it has been policy-oriented. His work stands as a counter-model to the politics of Tejashwi Yadav and the Congress in Telangana -— where counting was the goal, not correcting. Chirag's politics is not about how many are included in a speech but how many are included in development. The Mahagathbandhan's caste survey failed because it mistook enumeration for emancipation. It was an electoral strategy disguised as empowerment. The Bahujans, once again, were used as political capital, reduced to statistics, not stakeholders. There has been no follow-up scholarship scheme, no targeted employment drive, no caste-wise health mission, no SC/ST/OBC land redistribution proposal. Just data and drama. Social justice is not a rallying cry. It is a roadmap. It requires painstaking institutional effort, credible data architecture, and inclusive policy building. Tejashwi Yadav fails on all three counts. He merely counted the Bahujans. Chirag Paswan is fighting to count them in. The writer is Member of Parliament, Jamui (LS), Chief Whip, Lok Janshakti Party (Ramvilas)

Asim Munir's latest anti-India rant vindicates Modi govt's decision to not end Operation Sindoor
Asim Munir's latest anti-India rant vindicates Modi govt's decision to not end Operation Sindoor

Hindustan Times

time24 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

Asim Munir's latest anti-India rant vindicates Modi govt's decision to not end Operation Sindoor

Published on Jun 30, 2025 04:05 PM IST In this episode of Point Blank, Hindustan Times Executive Editor Shishir Gupta gives an analysis of recent statements by Pakistan's Field Marshal Asim Munir. The Pakistan army chief, during a speech at the Pakistan Naval Academy, characterized what India calls terrorism as a 'legitimate struggle' under international conventions. The discussion highlights how such statements are nothing but dog-whistling to extremist elements targeting India, especially in Kashmir. The show delves into India-U.S. relations and why Pakistan is not even a factor when it comes to ties between the world's largest democracies. Watch this video for all the details.

SC allows Lalit Modi to seek civil remedy in plea against Rs 10 crores fine imposed by ED
SC allows Lalit Modi to seek civil remedy in plea against Rs 10 crores fine imposed by ED

India Gazette

time30 minutes ago

  • India Gazette

SC allows Lalit Modi to seek civil remedy in plea against Rs 10 crores fine imposed by ED

New Delhi [India], June 30 (ANI): The Supreme Court on Monday has granted liberty to Lalit Modi to move to a civil court to seek remedy against a Rs 10.65 crore fine imposed on him by the Directorate of Enforcement (ED) in a Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) case in connection with the 2009 season of the Indian Premier League. Modi had sought directions for the recovery of the fine amount from the Board of Control for Cricket in India (BCCI), instead of him. A bench of Justices PS Narasimha and R Mahadevan disposed of Modi's plea, allowing him to seek civil remedy, after the counsel appearing for Modi sought to withdraw the same. Modi had moved the top court against the decision of the Bombay High Court in dismissing his plea, with a Rs 1 lakh cost. During the hearing, Modi's counsel argued that as per various earlier judicial decisions, the case is well within the Writ jurisdiction provided under Article 226 of the Constitution of India. However, the bench was of the view that the BCCI has been held as 'not a State' for recovery of the said fine imposed by the ED. 'BCCI is to be held to be 'not a state.' Recovery can't be equivalent to State', the bench stated. Modi's counsel then sought liberty to seek civil remedy by moving to a civil court in the matter. The Court agreed and disposed of the plea after noting that the same is not maintainable under Article 226 of the Constitution. In May 2018, the Enforcement Directorate (ED) had levied penalties on the Board for Control of Cricket in India (BCCI) and its former chief N. Srinivasan, among others, over alleged violations in the Foreign Exchange Management Act (FEMA) regulations in the 2009 edition of the Indian Premier League (IPL). Apart from an 82.66 Cr fine on the BCCI, and an 11.53 Cr fine on Srinivasan, penalties have also been imposed upon the former chairman of the IPL, Lalit Modi (10.65 Cr), former BCCI treasurer MP Pandove (9.72 Cr) and the State Bank of Travancore (7 Cr). The penalties amount to a total of 121.66 Cr. On July 20, 2011, the ED had issued show cause notices to Modi and the BCCI under provisions of FEMA regarding the alleged transfer of a sum of Rs 243.45 crores to Cricket South Africa without prior permission of the RBI, ahead of an IPL tournament in 2009. The ED was subsequently allowed by the Bombay High Court to summon several former BCCI officials, including Manohar and then secretary N Srinivasan, as witnesses in the matter. (ANI)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store