
Why, and how, a new Kashmir must be built
Yet what is equally important — and encouraging — is the response of ordinary Kashmiris: unequivocal, compassionate, and resolute in their rejection of violence. Unlike in earlier decades, there has been no ambiguity, no ambivalence, and no doubt about where the Kashmiris stand.
We are, therefore, at a threshold moment. The tragedy of Pahalgam cannot be forgotten. Nor can it be allowed to derail the possibility of transformation. The rejection of violence by ordinary Kashmiris must become the moral centre of our policy. We must act with the imagination of the Sufi, the clarity of the strategist, and the resolve of the constitutionalist.
The Kashmir story must move from one of endless conflict management to purposeful nation-building. This requires balancing firmness with fairness, memory with vision, and security with empathy.
A new Kashmir is not a dream deferred. It is a national duty, and it must begin now.
In that spirit, here are eight strategic steps — rooted in realism but animated by the vision of a new Kashmir — that India must take.
Punish Pakistan with precision and patience: India has responded decisively to Pakistan's continued complicity in cross-border terrorism. But a long-term strategy must go beyond immediate retribution. The understanding between the two countries' directors general of military operations (DGMOs) to uphold the ceasefire along the Line of Control renewed a framework of tactical stability. But that ceasefire, like earlier ones, remains precarious — vulnerable to sabotage by non-State actors and bad-faith actors in Rawalpindi. We must now reinforce deterrence not just through security postures, but through sustained diplomatic campaigns to isolate Pakistan internationally, activate counter-terror finance mechanisms, and invest in long-cycle hybrid capabilities. Punishment need not be spectacular, but it must be systematic, strategic, and unrelenting.
Restore statehood to reclaim the political compact: The people of Jammu and Kashmir were promised the restoration of statehood. Delivering on that promise now, despite provocations, will convey that India governs not by fear, but by constitutional commitment. Statehood provides the necessary political dignity and institutional accountability that a Union Territory (UT) simply cannot. Its restoration should be swift and unequivocal. The fact remains: Being a UT did not prevent the Pahalgam attacks. Why then delay a promise that can only strengthen the social contract?
Create a youth future fund: India must urgently launch a Youth Future Fund for Kashmir — a multi-crore, multi-year initiative aimed at skilling, mentoring, and placing Kashmiri youth in high-growth sectors across India. There is no better long-term investment in peace than ensuring that a generation aspires to build rather than break.
Kashmiris today want jobs, education, and inclusion in India's growth story. They want access, not alienation, investment, not ideology. They want the world to see the Valley for its intellect, hospitality, and culture—not through the narrow lens of conflict. This is a sentiment that must be honoured, not ignored.
Reclaim and reinvest in the syncretic ethos: The soul of Kashmir is syncretic. This is the land of Lal Ded and Nund Rishi, of shared shrines and composite culture. The state must promote this plural ethos through revived festivals, interfaith dialogue, heritage restoration, and education reform. Cultural diplomacy within India — particularly among youth — must highlight this legacy. Reviving Kashmiriyat is not nostalgia — it is a security imperative. Ensuring the dignified return of the Kashmiri Pandits is essential to this project.
Expand the civilian security grid: While the armed forces are indispensable, Kashmir's long-term security requires a robust civilian security architecture. Intelligence networks, police reforms, cyber-monitoring units, and community protection groups must be expanded. Training locals in counter-radicalisation and resilience can complement national efforts. Security cannot be seen as external to society; it must be embedded in the social fabric.
Encourage cross-regional pilgrimage and tourism: Despite recent attacks, tourism remains a vital bridge. A sustained campaign to encourage pilgrimages, educational exchanges, and heritage tourism from across India will reinforce mutual bonds. States should be encouraged to adopt districts to build civil society partnerships. Such people-to-people links can achieve more than decades of seminars.
Rework the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) in Kashmir's interest: IWT, kept in abeyance, must now be re-evaluated — through the lens of Kashmiri interests. For too long, decisions about river water management have bypassed the people most affected: the Kashmiris. The time has come to rethink this treaty not just technically, but politically and ethically. If Pakistan continues to violate the spirit of regional peace, India must consider whether just keeping the treaty in abeyance serves our national or the region's interest. A withdrawal — calculated, legal, and considered — should not be ruled out if that's what it takes to ensure justice for Kashmir and beyond.
As a Kashmiri Pandit, I know the pain of loss — and the power of hope. But I also know that a better future is possible. It must be imagined, articulated, and built — one act of trust at a time. Pahalgam must not become a site of renewed siege. Let it instead be the place from which a new Kashmir rises — dignified, democratic, and deeply Indian.

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NDTV
23 minutes ago
- NDTV
The Strange Reasons Behind Asim Munir's Anti-India Tirades
Munir is at it again. The newly minted Field Marshal of Pakistan, while addressing the cadets of the Pakistan Naval Academy recently, burst into yet another tirade against India, tickboxing Kashmir, India's 'aggressiveness' and ironically calling his country a 'net regional stabiliser'. That in itself should have had the audience in splits, given his country's shelter for terrorists of all hues, and for all neighbourhoods, not barring China at one time, and Iran still. It would be ridiculous were it not so dangerous. The question is, why is Munir at it again, together with his echo chamber and political minions? The Harangue Apart from the expected language about the "oppressed people" of Kashmir - more than 14,000 of whom have been murdered by his jihadis - he warned against India's "unprovoked aggression" in 2019 and 2025 and said that Pakistan's "measured response" had prevented escalation. Then came a bizarre statement that India "creates tensions" when Pakistan is close to winning its war against terrorism. Considering that Pakistan's terrorist totals have been steadily growing according to its own and global reports, and that the number of those killed and 'disappeared' in ham-handed 'counter terrorism' operations continues to increase, this seems like the usual blame game. But one does need to see what this particular outrage is aimed at. Remember, Munir made a similar tirade just five days before Pahalgam happened. In an eerie replay, the attack that killed 13 Pakistani soldiers was just a day before this particular shouting match. Not just that. Very unusually, Pakistan blamed India for the attack. It usually doesn't. The 'Victory' Quoting from the Koran, Munir then declared, "How often has it happened that a small number defeated a large number ...". That applies to Pakistan and the (US-sponsored) jihad movement that defeated the Soviet Union. But it certainly doesn't apply to the Pakistan army, which lost every single war it fought with India, including Kargil. Even so, one has to hand it to Pakistan. It has managed to turn everything into a 'victory' with some smart media legwork. After Balakot, it declared that all India hit were some trees, not terrorist camps; it even accused India of 'eco-terrorism' against a reserved forest. This was accepted by the general media given the lack of adequate proof. During Operation Sindoor, Pakistan claimed it hit several Indian aircraft. That the Indian Armed Forces then went on to strike every single sensitive air base, including Sargodha, the holiest of the holies, mattered not at all. It was still a 'win'. At some point, Delhi needs to examine what Pakistan deems a 'victory'. The High Comes Down Low Here's the core issue, though. There is no doubt that Munir and the army were on a popular high immediately after Operation Sindoor, with his many misdemeanours, including jailing not just a Prime Minister - par for the course in Pakistan - but also an ISI chief, forgotten. Glory, however, dissipates fast during peacetime. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is finding that out the hard way, with a 2022 case for corruption reopened against him almost immediately after the war closed. Munir has had his own embarrassment. Right Munir gloriously proposed a Nobel Peace prize for Trump, the latter launched a bombing campaign on Pakistan's neighbouring Muslim state. Naturally, this necessitated a turnaround for Pakistan; ultimately, in its 'official' response, it was compelled to 'condemn' the American attack. That dual position has led to memes on X, most notably pointing at Munir's willingness to knife Iran in the back. Back to Basics Meanwhile, speculation is rife about what Munir has offered in return for what was truly a high-profile, never-seen-before lunch. The most obvious answer is intel on Iran, which Pakistan has provided for years. At this critical point, when no one is really sure whether Iran's nuclear ambitions are still in play, this becomes critical. Sure, there are other actors, such as the Azeris and Iraqis. But America's CENTCOM (Central Command) has operated from here for years. Besides, there is no need for traditional 'bases' in the age of long-range drones. Possible also are small groups of Special Forces, and overflight rights. For India, here's the bottom line: as long as US forces are on the ground, it will be difficult for India to attack Pakistan in response to another terrorist strike. Watch their space. The Echo Chamber Speaks Meanwhile, look at the preparation by Munir's echo chamber. A certain well-known journalist has claimed that he has information about 'secret' plans, that India and Israel are planning to attack Pakistan's nuclear sites. He quotes a June 18 tweet by Israeli Professor Meir Masri, who is the director of geopolitics at Hebrew University Jerusalem and former deputy minister of defence: "After Iran's campaign, we may seek to dismantle Pakistan's nuclear programme". He quotes a few more academics in this regard and references posts on Indian accounts. This is the 'secret' plan that's apparently supposed to be the apex point of 'Operation Sindoor 2'. This might have been dismissed as clickbait in another case. But it may well be that Pakistan is preparing for a possible attack by India - naturally after what it always calls a 'false flag' terror strike. That has been its claim for years. All this is echoed by the rather unpredictable Defence Minister, Khawaja Asif, and other politicians. Water As A Pretence Then there is the very real fact that by October, the next sowing season will start, and India would likely again reduce the water flow - or so it is alleged - of other dams. In May, it had carried out the first desilting operations on Baglhiar and Salal, the first such exercise since their inception. That requires the dam to be first flushed out - sending silt down the river - and then filled up again, which takes about a month. The press release by the Indus River Systems Authority (IRSA) of Pakistan did take a 'unanimous' view that available water for the kharif crop had dropped precipitously due to reduced water release by India, but only as part of an overall decrease. The IRSA has been the focus of criticism for its inability to maintain its canals and for not increasing Pakistan's legitimate water storage capability over the years. Therefore, while there is a strong element of 'crying wolf', the Pakistan army, now fully in control of the state with a civilian government existing only in name, will have to take note. Again, the echo chamber - notably, Bilawal Bhutto - has been warning of war on the question of the Indus treaty 'abeyance'. The Contours Of Terrorism Finally, Trump is expected to arrive in India for the upcoming Quad summit, and given very long 'traditions', one can't rule out a terrorist incident coinciding with his visit. Even the recent Pahalgam attack happened when Vice President JD Vance was in India. With the President's appetite for mediation, that would be an opportune time. In fact, far too many aspects are coinciding at more or less the same time to afford us any degree of comfort. There are also some other curious aspects to terrorism that need to be noted. On May 25, in a tragic accident in Balochistan, a horrifying attack on an army school bus killed 40 children. This came well after Operation Sindoor had ended and when a 'ceasefire' was in place. The incident was horrifying and quite unlike any recent India-Pakistan clash. Remember that India had observed a two-minute silence in Parliament when a similar attack hit the Army Public School in Peshawar in December 2014. Surely, no national leader would authorise such a strike, and, in actual fact, India and Pakistan have in recent years limited their strikes to security personnel. Something doesn't smell right. Does someone else intend to keep Delhi and Pakistan suitably destabilised? It might be a good idea to put our heads together on this one.


Time of India
35 minutes ago
- Time of India
Samik only candidate, set to be BJP's new Bengal prez
1 2 Kolkata: Rajya Sabha member Samik Bhattacharya was the only candidate to submit a nomination for elections to the post of Bengal BJP president, almost sealing the outcome. Accompanied by Bengal leader of opposition Suvendu Adhikari and incumbent party president Sukanta Majumdar, Bhattacharya submitted his nomination at the party's Salt Lake office on Wednesday. Bhattacharya flew down to Kolkata from New Delhi on Wednesday morning to submit his nomination. On Monday, he had met BJP national president JP Nadda at his residence in New Delhi. On Thursday, party workers and functionaries will gather at a programme at Science City, and the party's new state president is likely to be formally announced. "A party president changes, and the baton is handed over. It's a continuous process. The principles of the party remain the same," Bhattacharya said. You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata A BJP member for over four decades, Bhattacharya joined RSS in 1971. He was state general secretary of BJP's youth wing for over a decade. "During his stint in BJYM, Bhattacharya was a key person to maintain coordination between RSS and ABVP," said a Bengal BJP neta. He was a state general secretary of the party for three consecutive terms and also a national council member. Bhattacharya became an MLA in 2014 when he won the Basirhat assembly bypoll. He was able to wrest the seat from CPM, and pushed BJP's vote share from 4% in 2011 to 33.5% in 2014. During his stint as a lawmaker, Bhattacharya was able to garner acceptance across communities. "He is one of the very few party netas who still don't use personal guards," said a Bengal BJP senior. Bhattacharya, however, would probably have to give up that habit now. Known for his erudition in multiple subjects, Bhattacharya has often been a crisis manager as BJP's state spokesperson. The soft-spoken Bhattacharya has also often been chosen to speak at public forums. He was also a key member of the global outreach team following Operation Sindoor. "Bhattacharya is well accepted by party veterans as well as the newcomers. He has constantly been working as a bridge between the old and the new. He has travelled to every district and has close contact with party workers. Even if it involved Dilip Ghosh or Sukanta Majumdar, Bhattacharya was always the person to resolve differences," said a neta.


The Hindu
an hour ago
- The Hindu
Last-minute change in KEAM standardisation sparks protests
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