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Trump's tariff threat: For India, no deal is better than a bad one

Trump's tariff threat: For India, no deal is better than a bad one

First Post19 hours ago
Trade deals aren't T20s—they're Test matches, needing years of diplomacy, while President Trump wants them wrapped up in days read more
America is India's largest trading partner. Still, the world is larger than the US, and India is a sovereign global power. File Image/Reuters
The President of the United States, Donald Trump, issues policy decisions and administrative orders from golf courses, aboard Air Force One, on his social media platform Truth Social, and occasionally from the White House in the form of Executive Orders. For President Trump, 'tariff' is the most beautiful word in the dictionary.
Once again, on July 31, 2025, Trump disrupted the global trade order, sending markets into turmoil with a sweeping revision of ad valorem duties on imports from nearly 200 countries. His latest Executive Order was issued just a day before his extended deadline to the world expired on August 1, 2025.
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India, along with Brazil, Canada, and Switzerland, has been hit particularly hard. I'll examine the implications for India shortly.
Extreme Break, and the Cost to US Consumers
First, what do these new tariff orders signify?
Indisputably, they add more confusion to an already uncertain global trade environment. More critically, they represent a sharp departure from over a century of US trade policy.
According to the Budget Lab at Yale University, the new tariffs will lead to an overall effective tariff rate of 18.3 per cent— the highest since 1934. They estimate this will cost the average American household around $2,400 in 2025 alone.
Markets in a Tizzy
The new trade policy, effective August 7, impacts nearly every country and marks a decisive break from decades of free trade. The result? Markets tumbled on both sides of the Atlantic.
After an early-day sell-off in Asian markets, Europe's Stoxx 600 fell nearly 2 per cent, the UK's FTSE 100 declined by 0.8 per cent, and Wall Street closed lower, with the Dow Jones and S&P 500 down over 1 per cent, and the Nasdaq dropping more than 2 per cent.
The market drop was worsened by weaker-than-expected US job data.
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Why So Much Uncertainty?
First, the second Executive Order (dated July 31) came just months after the original April 2 order — a one-two punch for global markets. Second, there is no assurance that we've seen the worst of Trump's tariff campaign.
Decoding the New Tariff Regime
The revised tariffs impact nearly every country and signify a hard pivot toward protectionism. Here's how the new structure breaks down:
10 per cent Tariff: Imposed on countries with whom the US has a trade surplus (ie, countries that import more from the US than they export to it).
15 per cent Tariff: Set as a minimum for about 40 countries where the US runs a trade deficit. For some, this is lower than the April 2 'reciprocal' tariffs; for others, it's higher.
Above 15 per cent: Over two dozen countries now face tariffs higher than 15 per cent, either due to agreed frameworks or unilateral decisions by Trump — mostly those with large trade deficits with the US.
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Trans-shipment Penalty: An additional 40 per cent tariff may be imposed on goods Washington deems as 'trans-shipped' through another country — a move primarily targeting Chinese goods.
Winners and Losers
The new tariff framework has created a jarring set of winners and losers.
Losers:
Brazil: Hit hardest with a 50 per cent tariff, including a vague 'free speech' penalty.
India: Faces a 25 per cent tariff, plus an unspecified penalty for purchasing Russian energy and military hardware — potentially as high as 200 per cent.
Syria: 41 per cent tariff — second highest after Brazil.
Myanmar and Laos: 40 per cent each.
Switzerland: Slapped with a 39 per cent tariff, the highest for any European nation outside the EU.
Iraq and Serbia: 35 per cent each.
Canada: Tariff raised to 35 per cent, but goods compliant with the United States–Mexico–Canada Agreement (USMCA) are exempt.
South Africa, Algeria, Libya: 30 per cent each — the highest in Africa.
Moldova, Mexico, Brunei, Tunisia, Kazakhstan: All face a 25 per cent tariff — same as India, though India has the added Russia penalty.
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Winners:
Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Vietnam: Each now faces a 20 per cent tariff, down sharply from April's rates (46 per cent for Vietnam, 44 per cent Sri Lanka, 37 per cent Bangladesh, 31per cent Taiwan).
Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand: Tariffs lowered to 19 per cent, from as high as 49 per cent (Cambodia) and 32 per cent (Indonesia) in April.
This comparison puts India at a clear disadvantage among its Asian peers. Trump had initially imposed tariffs up to 27 per cent on Indian goods in April, later paused. Since then, multiple rounds of trade talks have taken place.
There's More
Beyond general import tariffs, targeted levies now affect specific industries:
Steel & Aluminium: 50 per cent (effective June 4)
Copper: 50 per cent (effective August 1)
Automobiles & Car Parts: 25 per cent (from April 3 and May 3)
Though not yet implemented, Trump has threatened 200 per cent tariffs on pharmaceuticals and semiconductors, citing national security.
Ninety Deals in Ninety Days?
On April 2 — what Trump dubbed Liberation Day — he introduced his first round of 'reciprocal' tariffs. Days later, he paused them, giving trading partners 90 days to negotiate deals with the US.
Trump ambitiously aimed for 90 deals in 90 days. According to Kevin Hassett, Director of the National Economic Council, over 50 countries began talks.
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Arm-Twisting, Not Diplomacy
Despite his optimism, Trump has little to show beyond coercive deals:
UK: A deal allowing 100,000 cars to be exported to the US at 10 per cent tariff (down from 25 per cent).
EU: 15 per cent flat tariff — less than the threatened 30 per cent.
Japan: 15 per cent tariff, plus $550 billion investment in US infrastructure and agricultural market access.
Philippines: Reduced from 20 per cent to 19 per cent.
China: Tariff reduced from 145 per cent to 30 per cent; China reciprocated with a cut from 125 per cent to 10 per cent.
South Korea: Tariff set at 15 per cent (down from 25 per cent); Korea pledged $350 billion investment and $100 billion in US energy purchases.
These are not carefully negotiated, mutually beneficial agreements — they are outcomes of arm-twisting.
Trade Deals Aren't White-Ball Cricket
Trump's 90-deal ambition was destined to falter.
Trade deals aren't T20 matches — they're Test cricket. They require years of diplomacy and legislative buy-in. The global average to finalise a trade deal is 2.5 years. Trump wants them done in days.
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India's Trade Talks – Derailed Again
India has held five rounds of talks with the Trump administration — predating the April 2 tariffs. Trump repeatedly claimed a 'great deal' with India was coming.
Then, out of nowhere, he delivered a bouncer.
Despite ongoing talks, he branded India a 'tariff king' and an 'abuser of trade ties', imposing a 25 per cent tariff — significantly higher than most Asian peers — plus an unspecified Russia-related penalty.
The most alarming scenario? Trump enforces his earlier threat of a 100 per cent secondary tariff on Russian energy buyers. This would make Indian goods prohibitively expensive in the US.
The Logic? There Often Isn't One
Trump's justification? High Indian tariffs, non-monetary barriers, and India's defense trade with Russia.
Here's what he posted on Truth Social on July 30:
'Remember, while India is our friend, we have, over the years, done relatively little business with them because their Tariffs are far too high… Also, they have always bought a vast majority of their military equipment from Russia… INDIA WILL THEREFORE BE PAYING A TARIFF OF 25% PLUS A PENALTY… STARTING ON AUGUST FIRST. THANK YOU… MAGA!'
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The next day, Trump doubled down:
'I don't care what India does with Russia. They can take their dead economies down together, for all I care…'
Consequences of No Deal
In just three days, Trump reversed course — from promising a 'great deal' to dismissing India's economy altogether.
The 25 per cent tariff took effect on August 1. A last-minute mini deal India and the US had been negotiating since February has now collapsed. A comprehensive trade deal looks even more unlikely.
Time for Bharat First
If the new tariffs and the Russia penalty persist, India's GDP could take a 0.2-0.4 per cent hit, especially affecting export sectors like marine products, textiles, leather, automobiles, and pharmaceuticals.
But it's time to hold the line. As the government rightly states, India must take all necessary steps to protect its national interest — as seen in recent trade pacts like the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement with the UK.
America is India's largest trading partner. Still, the world is larger than the US, and India is a sovereign global power.
India must refuse any trade agreement that is inequitable or detrimental to its farmers, entrepreneurs, and Micro, Small & Medium Enterprises (MSMEs).
No deal is better than a bad deal.
The author is a multi-disciplinary thought leader with Action Bias and an India based impact consultant. He is a keen watcher of changing national and international scenarios. He works as President Advisory Services of Consulting Company BARSYL. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
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This Week in Explainers: Is Trump embracing Pakistan at the cost of India?
This Week in Explainers: Is Trump embracing Pakistan at the cost of India?

First Post

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  • First Post

This Week in Explainers: Is Trump embracing Pakistan at the cost of India?

Donald Trump proudly announced this week that he had signed a deal to jointly develop 'massive oil reserves' with Pakistan. This move came as the US president announced a 25 per cent tariff on India along with an added penalty for trading with Russia. We discuss this and more in our weekly wrap of the news read more It's been a hectic, hectic past seven days. Donald Trump unleashed a new tsunami of tariffs on several of America's trading partners, including India whom he even referred to as a 'dead economy'. This week, also saw a further change in Trump's stance in connection to Pakistan. He has signed a new trade deal with India's neighbour, which includes developing 'massive oil reserves' in Pakistan. It's a far cry from calling it one that has 'given us nothing but lies and deceit' as Trump did back in 2018 during his first term at the White House. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Speaking of a tsunami, a powerful 8.8 earthquake in Russia's far Eastern Kamchatka Peninsula, also triggered concern as well as tsunami waves across several countries, including America's Hawaii and Japan. In the week gone by, New York has also garnered headlines — albeit for the wrong reasons. The city's controversial mayoral candidate, Zohran Mamdani faced fury for his lavish wedding celebrations in Uganda. The city was also shocked when a gunman barged into a midtown Manhattan office, killing four people – including a New York Police Department officer – before turning the gun on himself. Now, as we wind down from the busy happenings from the week, we discuss these big stories from across the world and much more. 1. Since Trump returned to power in January, he has spoken of tariffs and used them as a pressure tactic to get countries negotiate trade deals with the US. 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After all, this new move comes amid the 25 per cent tariff on India as well as after Trump invited Pakistan army chief Asim Munir to the White House for a lunch in June. But the question that many are asking is does Pakistan have the oil that it claims? What does data show on Pakistan's oil reserves? Where are these sites that it claims to develop along with Trump? A woman watches the sea during an evacuation of the coast following a tsunami warning issued by local authorities after an earthquake struck the Kamchatka Peninsula in the far east of Russia, triggering warnings and evacuations across the South Pacific, in Dichato near Concepcion, Chile. Reuters 3. On Wednesday, one of the most powerful earthquakes ever recorded struck Russia's remote Kamchatka Peninsula, sending tsunami waves hurtling across the Pacific Ocean and putting nations from Japan to the United States to Chile on high alert with millions urged to evacuate. 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Democracies snubbed, dictators courted: Inside Trump's embrace of Pakistan
Democracies snubbed, dictators courted: Inside Trump's embrace of Pakistan

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Democracies snubbed, dictators courted: Inside Trump's embrace of Pakistan

US President Donald Trump looks on as a member of the media raises their hand, at the White House in Washington, DC, US, August 1, 2025. File Image/Reuters On July 31, 2025, Lara Loomer launched a broadside against billionaire Tom Barrack, President Donald Trump's ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria. Loomer, whose outside vetting of Trump appointees has led to waves of firings across his national security bureaucracy, pulled no punches. 'His [Barrack's] appointment to high-level diplomatic posts is alarming, given that his primary expertise lies in leveraging political connections for financial gain,' she wrote. His actions have enabled Islamists to thrive, even at the expense of US national security. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'Barrack has a history of opaque financial dealings and what many view as political influence peddling,' she continued. 'His real estate empire, intertwined with Gulf investments, has long raised concerns about conflicts of interest and whether he is truly serving America or if he is flashing his political access.' She included in her tweet a copy of Barrack's 2018 indictment for acting as an unregistered foreign agent on behalf of Middle East interests. Barrack is the rule rather than the exception in Trump's inner circle. Many of the most influential people in the Trump administration have pre-service financial entanglements with Qatar. The US magazine Newsweek reported that, in addition to Trump himself, five major Trump administration officials have financial ties to Qatar: Chief-of-Staff Susie Wiles, FBI Director Kash Patel; Attorney General Pam Bondi; Middle East Envoy Steve Witkoff; and Environmental Protection Agency administrator Lee Zeldin. Democrats remain up-in-arms over Trump's acceptance of a $400 million jet from Qatar, alleging it amounts to a bribe; given Republican concern that a desire to influence motivates the $20 billion in assistance that Qatar provides American universities, it is hard to deny that Qatari money is not altruistic. For almost a quarter century, successive American presidents have cultivated relations with India. The development of US-India ties has coincided with perhaps the most contentious period in US foreign policy since the debate between isolationists and internationalists in the 1930s. Israel, Russia, NATO, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, and China each became political footballs. India, however, stood out as a rare example of bipartisanship. Every US president from George W Bush to Joe Biden worked to cultivate US-India ties. That commitment to a US-India partnership included Trump, at least in his first term. 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Each of those countries to which Trump offers better terms ranks well below India on Transparency International's annual corruption index. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD There is no proof that Pakistan, Qatar, or Turkey bribed Trump, though a commonality of Trump's two terms is the conflict of interest between public policy and personal business. Trump's reference to gas deals with Pakistan, his Qatari involvement, and his and Barrack's repeated endorsements of Turkish President Recep Erdogan are coincidences that no Indian should ignore, especially given the coincidences, Trump's policy choices, and the lack of any other logical policy-driven explanation. India must respond in the only way Trump will understand, by denying opportunities to American businesses until Trump or his successors change US policy and again ground it in a partnership of democracies and consensus against terrorism rather than a partnership with corrupt, terror-sponsoring dictatorships. Here, India's decision to abandon the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter makes sense. The US defence industry purposely spreads itself across states and Congressional districts in order to immunise itself from cutbacks by ensuring it always has several dozen, if not hundreds, of lawmakers willing to protect the corporate interest for the sake of their employees. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD According to the Congressional Research Service, F-35 components are produced across 250 different districts in 45 US states. The same pattern holds true with other platforms that the United States would like to sell to India. Cutting contracts makes single headlines, but sending diplomats to each Congressional district to explain why New Delhi made its decision will augment pressure on Trump, especially as midterm elections loom. Trump might even reverse course. While some politicians double down to save face, Trump knows no shame, and if the pressure is great enough, he might simply change policy and try to scrub his recent past in an Orwellian frenzy of sycophantic press and statements. This still leaves India with a problem in the short term: Given the threat China poses to India, some Indian politicians may wish to replace the F-35 with Russia's fifth-generation Sukhoi-57E; this would be a mistake, given Russia's failure to honour previous contracts. Rather, India might shift toward European aircraft until such a time that Trump departs and the United States can right its present wrongs. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Even if New Delhi abandons Lockheed Martin because Trump's antics have raised questions about American reliability, such systems represent not only a lethal combat platform but also a decades-long partnership of training and maintenance. Whatever animus New Delhi might have toward Washington, the long-term stability of Moscow remains a bad bet given the political vacuum that will develop after Putin's death. Trump treats India unfairly, but Trump is an old and, frankly, corrupt man whose time is limited. India will soon be the world's third largest economy; Trump's failure to recognise the benefits of that and the wisdom of choosing democracies over dictatorships and kleptocracies is America's loss. The current crisis, though, can be the stress test to prove the strength of US-India ties. Trump can become the exception that proves the rule. The US Congress still favours India over Pakistan, and every politician motivated more by national security than side business deals will remember which country sheltered Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden and which country will drive the international economy through the 21st century. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Bribery can never provide a solid base for bilateral ties like democracy and mutual interests do. Pakistan, like Turkey, will ultimately fall into the dustbin of past American partners no longer worth a future administration's time and energy. India must fight back but should not go scorched earth out of animus toward a man for whom the curtain of power is already closing. Michael Rubin is director of policy analysis at the Middle East Forum and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect the views of Firstpost.

He has his reasons: Shashi Tharoor on Rahul Gandhi's 'dead economy' remark
He has his reasons: Shashi Tharoor on Rahul Gandhi's 'dead economy' remark

The Hindu

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He has his reasons: Shashi Tharoor on Rahul Gandhi's 'dead economy' remark

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