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Why RSS centenary plan in Bengal is buzzing with electoral undercurrents

Why RSS centenary plan in Bengal is buzzing with electoral undercurrents

India Today21-04-2025

Over the coming year, poll-bound West Bengal is set to witness an unprecedented 300 or more Hindu religious events, ostensibly to commemorate the centenary of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). But political watchers also see behind this itinerary a saffron camp strategy to polarise voters.Adding to the ideological weight of these events is the planned participation of high-profile Hindu religious figures, some of whom are no strangers to controversy. Among them is Dhirendra Krishna Shastri, who heads the Bageshwar Dham in Madhya Pradesh and has made headlines for sermons allegedly laced with majoritarian overtones.advertisementAccording to BJP insiders, Shastri is likely to visit the Basirhat Lok Sabha constituency in the coming months. Basirhat, with its overwhelming Muslim majority and current representation by the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) in all seven assembly segments, was one of the focal points of the Lok Sabha polls in 2024. It is here that a political fiasco unfolded in Sandeshkhali over the alleged lawlessness of a TMC strongman and his coterie.Another prominent figure expected to pay a visit is Jagadguru Ramanandacharya Swami Rambhadracharya (Giridhar Mishra), a blind religious leader known for his involvement in the Ram Janmabhoomi legal battle. The symbolic significance of these visits, especially to communally-sensitive constituencies, is hard to ignore.
Also slated to participate is Kartik Maharaj, or Swami Pradeeptananda of the Bharat Sevashram Sangh, a spiritual body seen as associated with the broader Hindutva fold. His antagonism with chief minister Mamata Banerjee and the TMC is known. Kartik Maharaj was recently conferred with the Padma Shri.advertisementWhile BJP leaders are tightlipped about the scale and intent of the campaign, sources in the RSS and its affiliates, including the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP), have confirmed that extensive preparations are underway. These events will apparently be called 'Hindu Jagaran Utsav'; their size will vary in scale—from small local gatherings to grand congregations—all purportedly aimed at mobilising religious sentiment in Bengal, where identity politics has deepened over the years with far-reaching consequences.A particularly telling remark came from Amiya Sarkar, the east zone secretary of the VHP. 'After the Murshidabad incident (Waqf law protests), Hindus are trying to consolidate,' asserted Sarkar. While he claimed that the VHP was not directly organising the events, he confirmed that several Hindu religious leaders were in touch with the organisation. 'The Naga sadhus from north Bengal are already in touch with us. They want our support for a religious event,' he added.Murshidabad district, with a significant Muslim population, has seen sporadic violence and politically-charged narratives that threaten its legacy of coexistence. In this context, the timing of such mass-scale Hindu religious events isn't seen by all as purely devotional.Biplab Roy, prachar pramukh (publicity head) of the RSS's south Bengal chapter, confirmed that the Sangh's centenary celebrations would begin in Bengal from Mahalaya in September, diverging from the rest of the country where these are scheduled to start from Vijaya Dashami, the traditional founding day of the RSS back in 1925. 'Such events are going to be organised across India,' said Roy. 'But in Bengal, celebrations for our centenary will begin from Mahalaya.'advertisementWhile such religious congregations are presented as cultural revivals or spiritual awakenings, the context in Bengal paints a different picture. The state finds itself increasingly embattled by the overt communal binaries seen in parts of northern India, with the growing frequency of communal flashpoints shifting the ground.What makes the RSS centenary celebrations particularly potent in Bengal is the undercurrent of Hindu mobilisation in the run-up to the assembly elections in 2026. With the BJP trying to expand its footprint beyond traditional strongholds and the TMC—notwithstanding its superlative showing in the assembly elections in 2021 and the parliamentary polls last year—battling anti-incumbency alongside accusations of minority appeasement, the stage is ripe for identity-driven politics.Critics argue that the RSS and its affiliates are not merely celebrating a centenary but orchestrating a psychological campaign aimed at 'awakening' the Hindu vote-bank. This approach, carefully calibrated through religious events, godmen's sermons and spiritual symbolism, allows the BJP-RSS to work around constitutional restrictions on religious campaigning while still nudging the communal needle, they say. As an independent political watcher, who wished not to be named, put it: 'Under the pretext of the RSS centenary celebrations, Hindutva would be pitched as the primary plank for the polls next year. It is all evident.'advertisementWhile such events may be occurring across India, the implications in Bengal are uniquely charged. Here, electoral gains depend not only on consolidating Hindu voters but also on fragmenting the Opposition's secular plank. Religious events, when deployed as instruments of political engineering, blur the lines between devotion and division.As Bengal enters yet another cycle of high-stakes politics, the real test will be whether civil society, Opposition parties and secular institutions can resist this tide of religious instrumentalism, or whether the stage is being set for a new era of competitive communalism cloaked in saffron robes.Subscribe to India Today MagazineMust Watch

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War of words as BJP youth neta held in Odisha over gold theft
War of words as BJP youth neta held in Odisha over gold theft

Time of India

time17 minutes ago

  • Time of India

War of words as BJP youth neta held in Odisha over gold theft

Kolkata/West Midnapore: A BJP youth wing neta was arrested near Odisha 's Jaleswar while attempting to flee after stealing about 100 grams of gold from a jewellery shop, triggering a political war of words. According to sources, the arrested Somnath Sahoo is a resident of Midnapore's Habibpur area. The incident took place around 1.30pm on Thursday, when Sahoo stole ornaments from the Jaleswar shop and escaped in his SUV. A dramatic chase ensued as shop staffers and locals pursued Sahoo, ending with the latter's SUV crashing into a divider about 8km from Jaleswar, near Lakshannath Road area. Locals handed Sahoo over to the police. He was arrested on Thursday night. At a press conference in Kolkata on Saturday, Trinamool showed Sahoo's photos with BJP netas and claimed he was BYJM's district secretary. Making an indirect reference to how BJP had attacked TMC in the south Kolkata campus rape case using photos of the primary accused with TMC netas, party spokesperson Kunal Ghosh said: "BJYM neta Somnath Sahoo... was caught stealing in Odisha and it is all on CCTV. There is a photo of him with Sukanta Majumdar. So, did Sukanta Majumdar send him to carry out the theft? Was there some setting or sharing involved? BJP must clarify this. If these people can show Trinamool photos and make tall claims, why not clarify their own stance after being photographed with a dacoit?" You Can Also Check: Kolkata AQI | Weather in Kolkata | Bank Holidays in Kolkata | Public Holidays in Kolkata "There is a photo of Sahoo with BJP MLA Hiraan Chatterjee as well. Police of a BJP-governed state arrested Sahoo. Hiraan and Sukanta must answer why they were photographed with him," Ghosh said and added that Sahoo's wife was a BJP candidate in Midnapore municipality elections. Countering Ghosh, Chatterjee said: "The photo was clicked ahead of the 2021 election. I was on the streets campaigning and thousands of people had come to see me, and took photos. It's not possible for me to know whether those taking pictures are thieves or robbers." "The arrest is laudable. BJP is in office in Odisha, but the state's police did not see political colour and I congratulate them for this," he added. BYJM president Indranil Khan, however, said that Sahoo was not an active member. "He didn't even apply for membership during our drive. He might have attended a few programmes and clicked some selfies but the party has no link with him now," said Khan.

How the Emergency makes us immune to democracy damage
How the Emergency makes us immune to democracy damage

Economic Times

time2 hours ago

  • Economic Times

How the Emergency makes us immune to democracy damage

Agencies Representational Each year at midnight, June 25-26, I wish my mother a very happy birthday. This year, I was late by 15 minutes as I got caught up 'doing the dishes'. I've put that in quotes not because 'doing the dishes' is a euphemism for some nefarious midnight activity involving my sole contact in the PMO, but because putting something like that in quotes can immediately arouse the suspicion of said O, and keep them on their toes. The thing is, my mother's birthday falls on the anniversary of the Emergency. She turned 33 a few minutes after president Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed signed and sent back the draft declaration using provisions of Article 352 of the Constitution to impose an internal emergency. Looking at Abu Abraham's famous cartoon - published some six months into Emergency - of Ali Ahmed stretching out from a Rashtrapati-tub to return pen and paper to an outstretched hand 'symbol' behind the door, I suitably-bootably wonder whether such a cartoon would have passed today. Not so much for its critique of an obsequious nominal head of state, as much for its depiction of a president in his birthday suit. So, even being the luckiest guy to have the least authoritarian of mothers, my mum's birthday is inextricably linked with Emergency. As Srinath Raghavan's illuminating new biography, Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, reveal, an emergency under Article 352 was already in place since December 1971 during the Bangladesh War. But Mrs G wanted a new emergency - her One Big Beautiful Emergency, if you will. Much before June 12, 1975, when Allahabad High Court found her guilty of corruption in the March 1971 general election - a case filed by Raj Narain of Samyukta Socialist Party, whom she defeated by more than 1 lakh votes at Rae Bareli - Gandhi 'came to regard the dangers posed by the RSS' activism as linked to an American-supported attempt at destabilising her government'. Assassination of her aide, cabinet minister, and Congress fundraiser LN Mishra in January 1975 didn't help matters. Gandhi wanted to crack down on RSS, and Ananda Margis, by invoking an all-encompassing emergency even before the Allahabad High Court verdict. As Raghavan reminds us, 'Far from being lawful, the declaration of emergency on 25 June 1975 was a coup d'etat: in the original sense of the term a 'master-stroke of the state,' whose signature elements were surprise and secrecy.' Like every year, the media and its content-providers rolled out thoughts on the Emergency this year, too - the one day that LK Advani is taken out of the freezer and thawed for his 'bend-crawl' aphorism. But for all the righteous horror poured on 'the day democracy died', 50 years on, the Emergency has a new function: as insurance against any charge that India today could possibly be anything other than a model democracy. One extremely handy thing about any 'darkest chapter in history' is that it allows 'dark chapters' to come across as gentle gambols in the park. Take the Jewish holocaust. After that particular Nazi pol science field study, you seriously reckon Israel can be charged of genocide for its 'tough love' with Gaza? With countries like Germany falling for it faster than you can say, 'Fast and the Fuhrious', the upper-cased 'Holocaust' is brought out like garlic and crucifix to drive away any accusation of lower-cased 'holocaust' being carried out by Israeli ghetto-blasters. The same principle holds with our Emergency. Mention any current dodge'n'damage to democratic institutions by the state - whether GoI or state governments - and 'Emergency' is trotted out like Asrani with a toothbrush moustache. Umar Khalid, almost five years in Tihar without a trial, charges against whom have yet to framed in court? 'Pfft. That's nothing compared to what happened during the Emergency'. The other standard rebuttal being, 'Have you seen Pakistan?' Which is why, after 'doing the dishes' with Pontius Pilate diligence, and wishing Ma on Thursday, I realised why so many people are horrified by Donald Trump, his ICEmen, executive orders, sending military to quell protestors, using social media telepathy to weed out bad apples from entering America, his sycophantasmagoric coterie... Poor things, they have no Indira's Emergency to measure Trump's Urgency against, and find phew-relief like we do. (Disclaimer: The opinions expressed in this column are that of the writer. 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RSS to Raj Bhavan via Goa BJP, now amid ‘Bharat Mata' image row—tracing Kerala Governor Arlekar's journey
RSS to Raj Bhavan via Goa BJP, now amid ‘Bharat Mata' image row—tracing Kerala Governor Arlekar's journey

The Print

time2 hours ago

  • The Print

RSS to Raj Bhavan via Goa BJP, now amid ‘Bharat Mata' image row—tracing Kerala Governor Arlekar's journey

At the heart of the controversy is an image of Bharat Mata holding a saffron flag, widely used by the RSS as a symbol of nationalism. However, the Kerala governor, who was associated with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) from his early days, is now facing allegations from both the ruling Left Democratic Front and the opposition Congress-led United Democratic Front of turning the Raj Bhavan into RSS office. Thiruvananthapuram: A strong advocate of the Konkani language and credited with making the Goa Assembly the first paperless legislature in the country, Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar is known for contributing significantly to the Bharatiya Janata Party's growth in his home state and achieving several firsts. While the governor insists on paying floral tributes to the image at every official event, including the ones conducted in the Raj Bhavan, the LDF and UDF see this as an attempt to convert the governor's official residence into RSS office. The issue escalated Thursday when Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan wrote to Arlekar, objecting to the use of the image at official events. Kerala Higher Education Minister R. Bindu Thursday accused him of attempting to popularise the 'RSS' Bharat Mata concept'. 'The governor is carrying along with him an image of the RSS version of Bharat Mata wearing a silk saree and holding a saffron flag, which is not accepted in independent India. It should be seen as a ploy to get wider acceptance for the RSS' Bharat Mata concept,' she told mediapersons. However, a senior official at the Raj Bhavan said the current issue was being blown out of proportion for political interests and asserted that Arlekar does not seek to create controversies. He added the governor has made it clear there will be no compromise on the Bharat Mata image. 'He is concerned about the row, but not worried about it,' the official told ThePrint. 'What image should be put up in the Raj Bhavan is decided by others. He is not asking anyone else to do the same or to pay floral tributes to the image.' 'He has been extending his hand to the state… If certain forces don't want that, what can he do,' the official said, adding the issue cannot be compared to typical tussles between Centre-appointed governors and opposition-led states because Arlekar has not hesitated to fulfil his Constitutional duties. 'There are no pending bills with him, nor has he failed in his constitutional duties,' the official said, adding Arlekar enjoys a good rapport with the Centre. Credited with BJP's growth in Goa Arlekar, 71, who was associated with the RSS from his early days, played a significant role in strengthening the BJP in Goa, working closely with former chief minister and Union minister, the late Manohar Parrikar. 'The BJP was not that strong in Goa initially. In 1991, a few people, including Parrikar and Arlekar, joined the BJP from the Sangh and started working to strengthen the party base. Arlekar contested the 1991 Lok Sabha elections but didn't win. In 1994, we won four out of 40 seats in the Assembly. It was historic. In 1999, it became 10,' Sadanand Tanavade, a former Goa BJP president and a close friend of Arlekar, told ThePrint. Tanavade added that Arlekar's popularity also grew during his days in active politics as he led several agitations against then ruling Congress' alleged corrupt practices. Arlekar officially joined the BJP in 1989 and served the organisation in various roles since then. His father Vishwanath Arlekar was a state president of the Jan Sangh, the BJP precursor. Although he lost in his first attempt, Arlekar was elected MLA in 2002. In 2012, he was elected the speaker of the Goa Assembly and served for three years. 'He was the first speaker who ran the Assembly entirely in Konkani. He used to speak entirely in Konkani when he was presiding over the Assembly,' Tanavade said. He also oversaw the transition of the Assembly proceedings to paperless, the first such initiative in an Indian state. Tanavade said Arlekar was close to the party high command while in active politics and would always remain content with whatever responsibility the party assigned him and never lobbied for any post. 'He is a nice, down-to-earth person. He's a very good speaker. He can talk about anything, especially national integrity. His first priority is the nation,' Tanavade said. In 2021, Arlekar was appointed the Governor of Himachal Pradesh, and in 2024, he became the Governor of Bihar before being sworn in as Kerala Governor on 2 January 2025. The image controversy and more On the Republic Day this year, Arlekar praised Kerala Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan for his clear vision for the state's development and expressed pride in the state. Their apparent bonhomie suggested a peaceful relationship between the Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led state government and the Raj Bhavan, a welcome change from what it was when Arlekar's predecessor Arif Mohammed Khan was in office. However, the situation changed in earlier this month, 5 June to be precise. On Environment Day, Agriculture Minister P. Prasad boycotted an event at the Raj Bhavan over the display of a Bharat Mata portrait. Later, on 19 June, General Education Minister V. Sivankutty boycotted the Scouts and Guides Rajya Puraskar award ceremony, leaving the Raj Bhavan shortly after extending his wishes to the children and condemning the display of the image. The tussle escalated Wednesday as members of the CPI(M)'s Students Federation of India and the Congress' Kerala Students' Union protested outside the Kerala University where the governor had attended an event organised by a right-wing group that displayed the controversial image. The protests led to clashes as RSS-BJP supporters opposed them. About a month ago, Arlekar triggered a row by nominating 10 deans to the Kannur University, all from outside the university, in direct violation of the university statutes, which stipulate that deans must be professors from the university's own departments. Of the 10 people nominated, six were from institutions funded by the Union government, and the rest from outside the state. Subsequently, the Kannur University syndicate passed a resolution against the move. In December last year, while serving as Bihar governor, Arlekar sparked a row by saying that the British rulers left India not because of the freedom satyagraha but because they saw arms in the hands of native people. The comment drew criticism from opposition leaders who claimed the comments disrespected freedom fighters. Kerala BJP leader Anoop Antony Joseph claimed the ruling CPI(M) is trying to make it into controversy to distract from 'anti-incumbency' sentiment in the state and its loss in the recent Nilambur bypoll. 'It's also part of appeasement politics by both the LDF and UDF. The LDF doesn't have any development to show in the upcoming polls. So, it's easy for them to resort to religious appeasement. We saw the same in Nilambur by both LDF and UDF,' he told ThePrint. (Edited by Ajeet Tiwari) Also Read: 'Bharat Mata' portrait pits LDF against Kerala Governor, again. 'Turning Raj Bhavan into party office'

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