Seymour's response to UN 'quite alarming'
The letter to Albert Barume, UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, invites him to 'remain engaged' with Māori following Seymour's intervention last week.
Indigenous rights advocate Tina Ngata, an author of the open letter, said Seymour's response was 'quite alarming' considering no conclusion from Barume's work has been made.
She said on TVNZ's Marae: 'It is [Barume's] job, where concerns are repeatedly raised to him, to inquire more deeply and it's the first stage of that inquiry where he basically comes to us and says to our government… 'well, there are these issues that have been raised to me, can you please explain what this is about?''
Watch the full discussion panel on TVNZ+
ADVERTISEMENT
Barume had written to the Government outlining concerns over the alleged 'persistent erosion' of Māori rights through 'regressive legislations and policies' that breached New Zealand's international obligations. He included a reference to the Regulatory Standards Bill.
Seymour responded to his concerns saying they were 'presumptive, condescending, and wholly misplaced'.
Quotes pulled from Regulations Minister David Seymour's response to UN (Source: 1News)
He also stated: 'As an indigenous New Zealander myself, I am deeply aggrieved by your audacity in presuming to speak on my behalf and that of my fellow Māori regarding legislation that aims solely at ensuring clarity, consistency, and accountability in regulatory processes."
He eventually withdrew the letter after he was pulled up by his coalition partner and Foreign Affairs Minister Winston Peters for overstepping.
'Shed some light'
Indigenous governance partner at the Human Rights Commission Dayle Takitimu said indigenous advocates 'from across the United Nations framework', which included the Human Rights Commission, called on the UN to 'shed some light' on the Government's obligations under Te Tiriti o Waitangi, and the UN Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, that needed to be upheld.
ADVERTISEMENT
'There's been a lot of advocacies saying – from various quarters – that people think that's not up to scratch at the moment, and the United Nations, through this special rapporteur, has responded to that, as Tina [Ngata] said, in a very initial way, prompting that discussion,' she said on Marae.
Tina Ngata and Dayle Takitimu on Marae (Source: Marae)
She acknowledged there was tension between human rights and domestic sovereignty that exists across all international law.
'But at the end of the day, the United Nations, in fact, exist to assist to resolve that tension and that conflict by viewing and monitoring human rights, so they are seen as universal and paramount across the global order.'
Last week's incident prompted Ngata, alongside fellow Māori rights advocates Leonie Pihama and Tania Waikato, a lawyer for the Toitū Te Tiriti movement, to draft an open letter to Barume that invites him to Aotearoa amidst 'deepening political and constitutional crisis'.
Ngata said the open letter reaffirms Māori have a right to international protection.
'It reaffirms that we will continue to be our own voice which called out to the United Nations for their oversight, and it invites them to continue that oversight, to remain in dialogue with us throughout this political crisis - and it is a political crisis. It might be a crisis of idiots and egos, but it's a crisis nonetheless and so we've called upon them to remain in contact with us and to maintain their oversight over what's happening in Aotearoa.'
ADVERTISEMENT
Quote pulled from UN Special Rapporteur Albert K. Barume's letter to New Zealand government (Source: 1News)
When asked if the UN had the power to hold Aotearoa to account over indigenous rights, Takitimu said that because New Zealand subscribes to the 'international framework', and has sought legitimacy from it on occasion, it has to take the support with the criticism.
'Indigenous peoples have always utilised that framework, and so has New Zealand as a state party, and so that, again, comes back to the very foundations of the United Nations to set some sort of global standards, and they have, in regards to indigenous rights and human rights, and they are holding the New Zealand Government to account for that. That's exactly what they are set up to do.'
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
NZ Herald
26 minutes ago
- NZ Herald
Independent experts sharing data about Venezuela's financial crisis are being detained
The Central Bank of Venezuela for years has not released reliable data on key indicators like inflation, leaving economists to fill the gaps with independent estimates. 'It's kind of like the Tinkerbell theory of economics,' he added, referring to Maduro's effort to squelch any bad economic news. 'If you believe in her, then her light continues to shine.' The Government's campaign has rattled economists and others behind financial information websites. Even those who live abroad are afraid to speak publicly, fearing reprisals against their families or employees. Among the economists who have been detained is a former finance minister and economics professor, Rodrigo Cabezas, 69, who once served in the governing party but later distanced himself and criticised Maduro's economic policies. Cabezas' daughter Rodna Cabezas said in an interview that on June 3, officials from the state energy company arrived at their home in Maracaibo, in northwestern Venezuela, claiming there was a problem with the electricity. They asked her father to accompany them to resolve it. But then she said her father called her, saying that it had been a trap and that intelligence agents were detaining him. His family has not heard from him since, nor received any information from the Government. 'We don't know where they took him,' Cabezas said. Vendors at the Mercado de Coche, a huge wholesale produce market, in Caracas. Photo / the New York Times The family has hired a lawyer who has also been unable to contact him. Her father needs daily medication for high blood pressure, she said. 'It's very hard,' she said. 'I don't have tears anymore from crying so much. It's like a permanent knife in my heart.' Venezuela's economy imploded a decade ago, driven by government mismanagement and exacerbated by US sanctions. As hyperinflation surged to 300,000% and the local currency, the bolivar, rapidly lost value, Venezuelans began keeping their savings in US dollars. The Central Bank of Venezuela sets an official exchange rate for the bolivar, but most people rely on an unofficial rate called the parallel dollar, published by websites like Monitor Dólar, that reflects what dollars actually sell for on the street. The official rate has often made the bolivar seem slightly stronger than it really is, creating a more favourable picture of the economy. But inflation is surging, analysts say, causing the bolivar to lose value and leaving Venezuelans who are paid in the local currency struggling to exchange it for dollars. 'The dollar-bolivar exchange rate is one of the key variables that the Government is trying to keep a handle on,' Gunson said. He said the Government believes it can stop the bolivar from losing value by silencing people like economists who report on the unofficial exchange rate. And precise inflation figures are no longer available because the Government does not publish such data and has gone after independent economists who do. Other countries in the region like Argentina have been accused of manipulating economic data in times of crisis. Experts say the crackdown in Venezuela on economists and independent financial groups reflects a broader strategy by the Maduro Government to suppress data and silence dissent in order to manage public perception. The Venezuelan Government has not released official statistics on epidemiology since 2016 and has kept data on rising child deaths from hunger a closely guarded secret. Under President Joe Biden, the US relaxed oil sanctions that helped decimate the country's finances in the hopes of prodding the Government into holding free and fair elections. As inflation eased, everyday products became easily available and more affordable, and poverty started decreasing. But last year, Maduro declared victory in an election widely seen by many governments, including the US, as fraudulent. President Donald Trump has since imposed renewed sanctions and revoked a key licence for Chevron to operate in Venezuela, whose economy is heavily dependent on oil. The country's economic tailspin has left many Venezuelans weary and with little faith that the Government can find a solution, analysts said. The financial district in Caracas. Photo / the New York Times According to the human rights group Provea, at least five economists were arrested from May 29 to June 5. Some were released, but two, including Rodrigo Cabezas, remain missing, with no information provided on their whereabouts or the charges they face. At least 20 people linked to Monitor Dólar were detained for reporting on the parallel dollar, according to Maduro's top deputy and Interior Minister, Diosdado Cabello. Cabello, on his weekly television programme, denounced economists 'who are saying the bolivar is worthless — these people are playing with fire'. Authorities, he added, were pursuing 'disguised consultants' who were fuelling financial instability. But the Venezuelan Finance Observatory, an independent group that publishes data on the country's economy, said that 'it is not a crime to compile and disclose price figures'. Financial websites like Monitar Dólar and the cryptocurrency platform El Dorado — where people buy cryptocurrency using bolivars to exchange for dollars — have shut down in response to government pressure. 'I take responsibility for any negative impact generated by the app,' a founder of El Dorado, Guillermo Goncalvez, said in a video. The plight of Cabezas and the other missing economist is a familiar story to human rights activists. In recent years, it has become common for Venezuelan authorities to detain people and hold them indefinitely at undisclosed locations with no contact allowed with family members or lawyers. 'Nowadays, nothing surprises us,' Gunson said. 'There now appear to be no rules. The law, the constitution, nothing counts anymore.' This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Written by: Genevieve Glatsky Photographs by: The New York Times ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES
Scoop
an hour ago
- Scoop
‘Peace Is A Choice': UN Chief Urges Diplomacy As Wars Spread From Gaza To Ukraine
22 July 2025 This is the only sustainable path to global security, he told ministers at a high-level open debate of the Security Council on Tuesday. The Secretary-General emphasised that the UN Charter 's tools – negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and more – remain a lifeline when tensions escalate, grievances fester and states lose trust in each other. These tools are needed now more than ever, he stressed, as conflicts rage and international law is violated with impunity. ' The cost is staggering – measured in human lives, shattered communities and lost futures. We need look no further than the horror show in Gaza – with a level of death and destruction without parallel in recent times.' The risk of starvation looms and aid operations are being denied the space and safety to function. UN premises, such as the UN Office for Project Services (UNOPS) and the World Health Organization (WHO)'s main warehouse, have been hit despite parties being notified of their locations. 'These premises are inviolable and must be protected under international humanitarian law – without exception,' Mr. Guterres reiterated. Peace is a choice – make it From Gaza to Ukraine, from the Sahel to Sudan, Haiti and Myanmar, 'conflict is raging, international law is being trampled, and hunger and displacement are at record levels,' he continued, adding that terrorism, violent extremism and transnational crime also remain 'persistent scourges' pushing security further out of reach. ' Peace is a choice. And the world expects the Security Council to help countries make this choice. ' Mr. Guterres pointed to the UN Charter's bedrock obligation in Article 2.3 that 'all Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means', and to Chapter VI, which empowers the Security Council to support 'negotiation, enquiry, mediation, conciliation, arbitration, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, or other peaceful means of their own choice.' Action 16 of last year's Pact for the Future urges states to recommit to preventive diplomacy, he said, commending Pakistan – the Council President for July – for tabling a resolution encouraging fuller use of those tools, which was adopted unanimously at the meeting. P5 must overcome divisions Security Council members – 'in particular its permanent members' – must overcome divisions, the Secretary-General said, reminding them that even during the Cold War, Council dialogue underpinned peacekeeping missions and humanitarian access, and helped prevent a third world war. He urged members to keep channels open, build consensus and make the body 'more representative' of today's geopolitical realities with more inclusive, transparent and accountable working methods. Mr. Guterres also urged deeper cooperation with regional and subregional organizations. Mediation can work even amid war, he said, noting the third anniversary of the Black Sea Initiative and a related memorandum with Russia that enabled grain movements during the conflict in Ukraine. Renew commitment to multilateralism States must honour their obligations under the Charter; international human rights, refugee and humanitarian law, and the principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and political independence, Mr. Guterres said. ' As we mark the 80th anniversary of our Organization and the Charter that gave it life and shape, we need to renew our commitment to the multilateral spirit of peace through diplomacy,' he said. ' I look forward to working with you to achieve the international peace and security the people of the world need and deserve. ' Security Council open debate A signature event of the Pakistani presidency, Tuesday's open debate was chaired by Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Mohammad Ishaq Dar. The session aimed to assess the effectiveness of existing mechanisms for pacific dispute settlement, examine best practices and explore new strategies for tackling protracted conflicts. It also sought to enhance cooperation with regional organizations, boost capacity-building and resource mobilisation, and align future efforts with the conflict-prevention vision outlined in the Pact for the Future.
NZ Herald
2 hours ago
- NZ Herald
According to UN data, hundreds of Palestinians in Gaza have been shot dead while seeking food
In recent weeks, it has emerged as a final sticking point in negotiations over a ceasefire, placing the Israeli- and United States-backed GHF squarely in the crosshairs of the latest talks. Hamas is demanding a return to the United Nations-co-ordinated system of aid delivery that operated in Gaza for decades. Israel charges that Hamas has corrupted that system. It wants to maintain strict controls on assistance to Gazans, using the newly created GHF as the primary mechanism for food distribution. Critics, including the UN and most of the international humanitarian aid community, say the GHF is designed to further Israeli war aims by selectively and inadequately providing assistance, and by forcing Gazans to put their lives in danger for a box of provisions. In a statement released yesterday, 21 European countries and others including New Zealand, Canada, and Australia issued a joint statement saying that 'the suffering of civilians in Gaza has reached new depths'. It condemned 'the drip feeding of aid and the inhumane killing of civilians, including children, seeking to meet their most basic needs of water and food'. 'The Israeli Government's aid delivery model,' it said, 'is dangerous, fuels instability and deprives Gazans of human dignity.' Like much of what happens inside Gaza, where Israel has banned international reporters except on brief tours led by the Israel Defence Forces, the origins and operations of the GHF remain obscure. Even more opaque is its funding. The foundation says it received about US$100 million in start-up money from a government it has declined to identify. In late June, the Trump Administration said it would supply US$30m to GHF operations. A major donation initially expected from the United Arab Emirates, according to internal planning documents seen by the Washington Post, has not materialised. The Government of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, which has been deeply involved in the aid programme, has publicly denied paying for it. But behind the foundation, which is a registered non-profit, is a web of interconnected US and Israeli individuals, and private US companies - including some that hope to eventually make money on the relief effort, according to public and private documents reviewed by the Washington Post and interviews with more than a dozen US and Israeli government officials, business representatives and others involved, who spoke on the condition of anonymity. Among those positioned to profit from GHF-linked contracts are a Chicago-based private equity firm, McNally Capital, whose subsidiary Orbis Operations helped set up the foundation; and Safe Reach Solutions, the primary contractor overseeing GHF operations inside Gaza, which was created late last year for that purpose. SRS is owned by a Wyoming-based trust whose beneficiary is McNally Capital. Boston Consulting Group was also engaged in the effort to stand up the GHF, on what it has said was a pro bono basis. In March, it signed a two-month contract for more than US$1m with McNally to continue assisting SRS, with later extensions in May, an arrangement first reported by the Financial Times. BCG later withdrew from the project amid controversy, and a BCG spokeswoman, Nidhi Sinha, said no payment was accepted. The GHF has continued to deliver food to hungry Gazans: since late May, according to the foundation's count, more than 80 million meals in boxes that are calibrated to feed 5.5 people for 3.5 days. Dwindling resources have limited the number of trucks available to bring food into the enclave to about 70 to 80 per day, compared with early plans for more than 300, according to people familiar with GHF operations. Construction of additional distribution sites has also been indefinitely put off because of a lack of financing, ongoing Israeli military operations, and the need to remove unexploded ordnance throughout Gaza. Money problems, and the unknown outcome of ceasefire negotiations, have also put on hold GHF plans for a more holistic - and controversial - proposal to relocate Gazans, summarised in a 19-page slide deck distributed at the US Embassy in Tel Aviv in January, several people said. In addition to the food distribution, the slides included plans for GHF construction of large-scale residential compounds inside and potentially outside Gaza where 'the population' could reside while the enclave was 'demilitarised and rebuilt'. The slide deck suggested that approach would allow the GHF to gain trust with Gazans - a currency that could be leveraged to 'facilitate President Trump's vision' for the battle-scarred enclave. Bodies of Palestinians killed in an Israeli strike on civilians waiting for aid in the western part of Rafah on July 19. Photo / Getty Images Aid 'in a non-UN way' The GHF concept was born as part of a larger effort by a group of Israeli military officials, Israeli businesspeople and foreign partners to support Israel's war effort and plan for Gaza's future. They began meeting shortly after the conflict began with Hamas' October 7, 2023, surprise attack in southern Israel, which killed about 1200 people and saw at least 250 hostages taken back to Gaza. As Israel responded to the attack, pounding Gaza with airstrikes and ground troops, it cut off the daily assistance that the 365sqkm enclave had depended on for decades. Netanyahu's Government - long distrustful of the UN, which co-ordinated deliveries of food, fuel and medical supplies - justified the blockade by claiming that Hamas controlled and profited from the aid distribution. Under pressure from the Biden Administration and humanitarian organisations that said depriving non-combatants of food was a potential war crime, Israel eventually allowed limited relief to resume. But the Israelis kept a tight hold on the spigot of assistance, generating friction between Netanyahu and the US Government, Israel's main source of weaponry and diplomatic backing. 'There was a need to get humanitarian aid into Gaza,' an Israeli familiar with the group's efforts said, but it needed to be done 'in a non-UN way'. In January 2024, the fledgling Gaza aid working group sought advice from Michael Vickers, a former Green Beret, CIA veteran and undersecretary of defence for intelligence during the Obama Administration. Vickers was on the board of Orbis Operations, a consulting company based in McLean, Virginia, that was founded by former national security, military, and intelligence specialists and which McNally purchased in 2021. Vickers told the planners, 'I'm not the guy, but I know the guy who can talk to you', according to a person familiar with the approach. The man they wanted, Vickers said, was then-Orbis vice-president Philip Reilly, a former senior CIA operations officer with extensive experience in private security operations. Reilly quickly gained the trust of the IDF and the Gaza planning group, and spent much of 2024 immersing himself in the details of the Gaza conflict. Neither Vickers nor Reilly responded to queries about their involvement in the Gaza initiative. The Biden Administration was well aware that the Israeli Government and private-sector Israelis and Americans were working with the Government on a plan to impose a new aid delivery system. While some in the Administration were supportive, most were sceptical. But they did not directly interfere in the project. 'They were all talking - they being the Israeli Government, the prime minister's office, the IDF - sort of throwing spaghetti against the wall to find some magic formula to take the responsibility off their shoulders' to care for Gaza's civilians, a former Biden official involved in Israel policy said. Ambitions and incorporations By the northern autumn, the outline of a plan was laid out in a lengthy feasibility study compiled by Silat Technologies, an Orbis subsidiary, envisioning the creation of a non-profit entity, the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, 'to safely deliver humanitarian aid to Gaza'. Planning documents distributed over the next several months said that the foundation's leadership should include respected humanitarian figures such as David Beasley, former head of the World Food Programme, and Tony Blair, the former British Prime Minister who now runs an institute to advise change-making political leaders. Although the UN and major non-governmental aid organisations already operating in Gaza were described as an integral part, their proposed role was unclear. An elaborate social media presence and public relations programme would include outreach to select journalists to promote a positive image of the GHF. The foundation would hire a 'prime' contractor to organise and supervise construction of the sites and the aid operation inside Gaza. That firm would then subcontract a private security company - ideally US-based - to be the boots and guns on the ground, guarding the aid as it was transported to distribution sites and protecting the sites themselves. The private companies lined up to service the planned foundation also included BCG, where both Reilly and Vickers were senior advisers. BCG, which later said its initial services were offered pro bono, projected US$2b in initial operating costs for the GHF. On November 21, a new limited liability company, Safe Reach Solutions, was registered in Jackson, Wyoming, and placed in a trust administered by a local company, Two Ocean Trust. While no information in the registration documents indicated what the new company did, who ran it or whom it employed, the beneficiary of the trust and any money it made, according to three people familiar with the arrangement, was McNally Capital, the private equity firm that owns Orbis. SRS, with Reilly as its chief executive, would later become the primary GHF contractor. Spokespeople for Two Ocean Trust and SRS declined to comment. In a statement to the Washington Post, McNally Capital said it 'did not invest in SRS or actively manage the company', but said it has an 'economic interest' in the firm. 'Given our long-established relationship with Phil Reilly … our strong belief in the importance of humanitarian aid, and the US Government's appeal for innovative solutions,' the statement said, McNally was 'pleased to have supported the establishment of SRS as an important step toward meeting the full scope of humanitarian need in Gaza'. Founded in 2008 by Ward McNally, of the Rand McNally publishing family, the firm specialises in the acquisition of aerospace, defence, and technology companies. 'Obviously, McNally is a business. They're in the business of making money,' a person familiar with the financial aspects of the project said. But 'I think it's very ambiguous whether this ends up being profitable'. A checkpoint test run As the new year approached, progress toward the food aid programme planning was interrupted by the prospect of a Gaza ceasefire and partial hostage release. Israel had agreed to move its troops out of portions of Gaza at least temporarily - allowing citizens to return to what remained of their homes in the largely destroyed northern portion of the enclave. But Israeli officials insisted on a vehicle checkpoint - run by non-IDF security - on the Netzarim Corridor, a dividing line between northern and southern Gaza, to ensure weapons were not carried back to areas the IDF said it had earlier cleared of Hamas militants. With nine days' notice, US and Arab mediators turned to the newly created SRS to organise the checkpoint. Reilly subcontracted UG Solutions, a small security firm based in North Carolina, to staff the ground operation. Headed by former Green Beret Jameson Govoni, UG had previously worked in Ukraine and Haiti, among other hot spots, and could move quickly because it had few of the classified contracts with the US or other governments that proved to be complications for bigger security companies. The ceasefire mediators - the US and Qatar - administered payments to SRS, the prime contractor, according to people familiar with the operation. The ceasefire began on January 19, the day before Donald Trump's second-term inauguration. Although the truce lasted only until mid-March, when Israel launched another ground invasion of northern Gaza, the checkpoint was deemed a success, with no major incidents reported. The Netzarim operation came to be considered a test run for the food distribution operation, and SRS and UG were well positioned to take it over for GHF. On February 2, the foundation was registered as a humanitarian non-profit in Switzerland and Delaware. The Netanyahu Government had every reason to believe that Trump would support the initiative. He vowed to quickly end the war and proposed that the US 'take over' and 'own' Gaza, developing it as a high-end Mediterranean resort. Food distribution by the GHF, planning documents indicated, was just the first step in a larger redevelopment plan. Palestinians line up to receive a hot meal at a distribution point in the Al-Rimal neighbourhood in Gaza City on May 21. Photo / AFP A rocky launch When the ceasefire collapsed on March 18 and the IDF resumed ground operations and airstrikes, Israel again stopped all humanitarian aid from entering Gaza. As the days and weeks ticked on, thousands of tonnes of food and goods piled up in warehouses outside its borders; WFP and other humanitarian actors began to tally reports of starvation inside. By early May, Israel was under mounting international pressure to end its aid blockade, and Trump was looking for progress on his promise to end the war as he prepared for a trip to the Gulf. At a May 9 news conference in Tel Aviv, US Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee claimed the GHF as a Trump 'initiative'. US representatives, including Aryeh Lightstone, an official who now works with Trump's special envoy Steve Witkoff and formerly served as an aide to David Friedman when he was US ambassador to Israel, courted UN and humanitarian partners to sign on to the plan. But opposition to the plan had grown. The UN and most aid partners refused, publicly denouncing the proposal as immoral and designed to further Israel's war plans against Hamas by 'militarising' assistance to more than a million civilians corralled into ever-shrinking 'safe zones' demarcated by the IDF in southern Gaza. Neither Beasley nor Blair agreed to sign on. On May 22, newly named GHF executive director Jake Wood, a US Marine veteran and co-founding board chair of Team Rubicon, a humanitarian organisation that operated in disaster zones, released a letter he had sent to COGAT, the Israeli Government co-ordinator for Gaza and the occupied West Bank. Its purpose, he wrote, was to confirm 'our understandings of agreements' - including an understanding that aid agencies would also be permitted to distribute food and medical assistance under 'existing' humanitarian mechanisms, outside the GHF programme. 'GHF acknowledges that we do not possess the technical capacity or field infrastructure to manage such distributions independently,' he wrote, suggesting that the new aid mechanism should complement, but not replace, Gaza's existing aid sector. The night before the scheduled May 26 launch, Wood unsuccessfully sought to persuade the IDF to delay the start date by at least a week amid unanswered questions about funding, the participation of other agencies and the nearby positioning of Israeli troops. Wood resigned, and the next day, UG contractors accompanied the first convoys of GHF food into Gaza. Some of the plans, he said in a statement, were not consistent with 'humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence'. David Burke, a fellow Marine veteran and former Team Rubicon colleague who had been named GHF chief operating officer, also resigned. Burke and Wood did not respond to inquiries from the Washington Post. The GHF promoted John Acree, a former official with the US Agency for International Development originally named head of the GHF operations inside Gaza, to interim executive director of the foundation. The opening of the sites brought new problems, with tens of thousands of despairing Gazans surging towards promised food. In the first week of GHF's operations, witnesses said that Israeli troops shot in the direction of Palestinians queuing outside the fenced distribution sites at least three times. UG contractors voiced concerns about the rules of engagement of nearby IDF troops and the safety of the Palestinians, according to several people familiar with the site operations. Paid Palestinian volunteers working at the GHF sites were receiving death threats from Hamas for participating in the Israeli-backed plan. Volunteers were afraid to travel back to their families at night, but the financial planners had not budgeted to provide them with housing, running water or other supplies to stay on-site, one person said. 'There were number crunchers at every stage, asking why do we have to do this stuff,' said another person familiar with the conversations between BCG financial consultants and SRS planners. Contractors purchased some provisions for the workers out of their own pockets, the person said. The limited number of trucks that passed through the Kerem Shalom crossing into Gaza each day to the sites after Israeli inspection meant that supplies ran out too early, leaving thousands empty-handed, angry, and disbelieving there was no more food to be had. On May 30, BCG abruptly withdrew from the project. Amid what several people familiar with the situation said was internal criticism of perceived anti-Palestinian initiatives, the company said that members of its team had undertaken 'unauthorised' efforts on post-war planning. Two senior partners, it said in a statement, had been 'exited ... from the firm' and BCG 'has not and will not be paid for any of their work.' The end game Despite ongoing problems and frequent reports of gunfire nearby, the GHF food programme achieved a rhythm of sorts after a few weeks. News releases provided a daily accounting of tens of thousands of boxes of pasta, lentils, cooking oil and other commodities it distributed. But the killing of civilians in the vicinity of GHF sites has continued. Last month, eight Palestinian volunteers were shot and killed, allegedly by Hamas, aboard a bus returning them to GHF sites after visiting their families. Early this month, this IDF said 'terrorists' had tossed grenades into a distribution site, injuring two American contractors. Then came the deaths in last Wednesday's stampede. 'We came to Gaza to help feed people, not to fight a narrative war,' GHF spokesman Chapin Fay told reporters hours after the stampede deaths, publicly accusing Hamas of causing the carnage by showing up at the site with guns. Aid organisations said it was the predicted result of Israeli militarisation of what should be a neutral endeavour. On Sunday local time, at least 79 Palestinians were killed when food-seeking crowds mobbed a UN aid convoy in the northern part of the enclave and were fired on by Israeli troops, according to Gaza health authorities and witnesses. The IDF said it was 'aware of the claim' and that details of the event were 'being examined'. Acree, the GHF interim executive director, repeated appeals to the UN and other aid organisations to co-operate with the foundation. 'The demand for food is relentless, and so is our commitment,' he said in a statement. 'We're adjusting our operations in real time to keep people safe and informed, and we stand ready to partner with other organisations to scale up and deliver more meals to the people of Gaza.' GHF contracts expire at the end of August, unless a ceasefire comes first. If and when the fighting stops, it remains unclear how much aid will be allowed into Gaza and who will distribute it. Since late June, Trump has said repeatedly that negotiations were going well and that a truce was imminent.
