
Anti-corruption watchdogs at the center of protests against Zelensky
Advertisement
On Tuesday, Zelensky signed into law a bill giving Ukraine's prosecutor general — who is approved by parliament, where Zelensky's party holds a majority — new power over the two agencies, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor's Office.
The two agencies were formed after the pro-Western political pivot in Ukraine following protests in 2014. They were given a mandate to investigate and prosecute cases of high-level corruption, and Western countries strongly backed their formation to crack down on theft of foreign aid.
Advertisement
The agencies had recently been investigating senior members of Zelensky's government, including a deputy prime minister, Oleksii Chernyshov, who was charged with corruption on June 23, accused of taking kickbacks in a real estate deal. Chernyshov has called the accusations against him a baseless smear campaign.
On Wednesday, amid the protests, the prosecutor general, Ruslan Kravchenko, said he would not interfere in that inquiry.
Also on Wednesday, the two agencies said they had completed and would send to court one aspect of an investigation into what could be the largest fraud in public finance in Ukraine in a decade. The case involves accusations of embezzlement from a lender, PrivatBank, that cost the country about $5 billion to bail out. An owner of the bank, Ihor Kolomoisky, had been a behind-the-scenes patron of Zelensky's presidential campaign in 2019, Ukrainian news media reported.
Kolomoisky has said that he is innocent and that the authorities who brought the charges are trying to extort money from him.
But no accusation of fraud is more infuriating to Ukrainians than one of theft from a military that is defending their homes and lives, shooting down missiles and exploding drones that terrorize cities nightly, and holding a roughly 700-mile defensive line in eastern Ukraine.
Overall, Ukraine has over the past decade improved governance and tamped down graft, according to a measure by Transparency International. And corruption has not worsened during the war, according to the group.
After Russia's invasion, government money started shifting from partly state-controlled energy, mining, and metallurgy companies — previously the trough from which corrupt officials fed — to military spending, analysts have said. Now, about half of Ukraine's national budget of about $98 billion is for defense.
Advertisement
The anti-corruption bureau has announced several investigations into that spending, accusing insiders of helping to skim about $675,000 from contracts for airplane wheels and about $18 million from a contract for food staples, including potatoes.
Internal audits by the Defense Ministry have pointed to far larger instances of potential fraud or mismanagement, some stemming from an early, chaotic period in the war.
After the 2022 invasion, US intelligence expected that Ukraine's military would buckle within three days and that Russia would capture Kyiv, the capital. Ministries emptied as employees fled.
With just a skeleton staff and tremendous need, one audit showed, the government made multiple contracts for artillery shells, mortar bombs, and other weapons and ammunition at inflated prices from shadowy suppliers in Eastern Europe, the Middle East, and Asia.
After the war stabilized, the insider intermediaries who brokered these deals through 'special importing companies' retained a role in procurement, another audit, conducted last year, showed.
That audit showed special importing companies received 45 percent of the total value of all contracts for arms and ammunition last year, even when the Defense Ministry could have worked directly with a supplier.
According to the audit, about half of all contracts from the companies were either late or incomplete, depriving soldiers of weapons while leaving prepayments in the companies' accounts.
Artem Sytnyk, a former director of the anti-corruption bureau and a former procurement official at the ministry, said in an interview that the agency was investigating those deals.
Unless Zelensky's overhaul is reversed, those investigations will fall under the control of the prosecutor general.
This article originally appeared in
Advertisement
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
33 minutes ago
- Yahoo
How many more Gazan children need to die of hunger before the U.S. takes a stand?
Imagine an army captured the city of Philadelphia, fenced it in, closed its waterfront and opened just a few gates for supply trucks. Now imagine the army bombed Philadelphia's hospitals, razed land used to grow food, barred fishing and closed those gates to all but an intermittent trickle of aid. If you saw news footage of children dying of malnutrition and read U.N. warnings of mass starvation, would you doubt those reports? If the military blocking the food trucks was using U.S. public money to buy weapons, would you question the need to stop the flow of arms and demand that the military let aid in? Since the Oct. 7, 2023, Hamas-led attacks on Israeli civilians, which constituted crimes against humanity, Israeli authorities have used starvation as a weapon of war in varying degrees, intermittently blocking all aid to the Gaza Strip, which resembles Philadelphia in size and population. Since Israel ended the aid shutdown in May, the government has permitted supplies to enter the territory in quantities catastrophically insufficient for its approximately 2 million residents. The Israeli military also razed cropland, banned fishing, destroyed hospitals and water infrastructure and cut electricity, rendering people almost entirely dependent on the obstructed external supplies. An estimated thousands or tens of thousands of people have died from complications related to the supply blockage, including malnutrition, dehydration and disease. Aid agencies are begging to be allowed to deliver food sitting in nearby warehouses or waiting just outside Gaza. Israel has controlled the movement of goods into Gaza since 1967 and, in the 1990s, built fences and walls around it, making residents dependent on the Israeli military opening crossings, in order to eat. What we are seeing play out now in recent months is weaponization of this control, with increasingly deadly results. The Israeli government denies famine or aid obstruction and blames the United Nations and Hamas for any shortages. Israeli officials accuse aid agencies of 'distributing lies,' say restrictions are needed to prevent diversion by Hamas, and argue that because tons of U.N. aid is still on the Gaza side of crossings, waiting to be distributed, there's no need to allow more in. On Friday, Reuters revealed the existence of a U.S. Agency for International Development report finding no evidence of systematic Hamas diversion of U.S.-funded aid. Official Israeli misinformation is not particularly sophisticated, but it's repetitive, relentless and reliant on Western dehumanization of Palestinians to help render the information Palestinians convey — with words and with images and videos they share of their emaciated bodies — suspect. Only racism — the belief that some people's lives are worth less than others, and that some people's statements are inherently unreliable — can explain American susceptibility to Israel's denial of starvation in Gaza. If you block food to a besieged population, nearly half of whom are children, what do you think will happen? Thursday's statement by U.S. envoy Steve Witkoff that, in the absence of a ceasefire deal, he'll explore alternative options to 'try to create a more stable environment for the people of Gaza' would be laughable given the billions of dollars of U.S. support for the army that's blocking the food — if it didn't involve 57 children documented by the Gaza Ministry of Health to have died of malnutrition in just over two months. There are two things the United States government should urgently do to end U.S. complicity in the mass starvation. First, the U.S. must tell the Israeli military to open all crossings into Gaza, end onerous bureaucratic restrictions and allow aid groups to flood the strip with food. On average since March 2, just 28 international aid trucks have entered Gaza daily, compared with 500 total trucks per day before the war. Limited additional quantities have entered via the U.S.- and Israeli-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF), but reaching their distribution sites is dangerous or impossible for most people in Gaza. That severity of the food shortage makes safe and orderly delivery to civilians nearly impossible. Out of 1,090 truckloads of aid collected from the crossings last month by veteran international organizations, all but 43 were looted or 'self-distributed' by hungry crowds. According to the U.N., the Israeli military has failed to approve safe delivery routes, mechanisms and timing for truck delivery. This, combined with the desperation that starvation creates, is the main reason it's been so hard to distribute the little aid that has entered Gaza — that's why there is some aid in Gaza still waiting to be distributed. If Israeli authorities allow unrestricted aid into Gaza, subject only to physical inspection and credible U.N. assurances against diversion, and cooperate with the U.N. on delivery, supplies will reach the level at which safe, dignified distribution will become possible. Second, the U.S. must end support for dangerous, militarized distribution schemes like the GHF and instruct the Israeli military to resume cooperation with the United Nations and the other principled, impartial aid groups. Hundreds of people have been fatally shot by Israeli forces or crushed in a stampede after walking for miles to reach the four highly militarized GHF distribution points that have replaced the hundreds of community distribution sites aid groups ran until Israeli authorities banned them from bringing in food for household distribution. Workarounds to parachute small quantities of food into Gaza were ineffective in the past and would be even less effective now, given the scope of the need and the desperation. The Israeli government is responsible for starving Palestinians in Gaza, but U.S. backing makes it complicit, too. How many more children need to die of hunger before the U.S. government admits that without food, human beings will die — and that U.S. economic, military and diplomatic support should not be used as a tool in mass starvation? This article was originally published on Solve the daily Crossword


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
European and Iranian diplomats meet in Istanbul
Iranian negotiator, Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi, said that the 'serious, frank, and detailed' meeting focused on the nuclear issue and the status of sanctions while agreeing to further discussions. The E3 nations had earlier warned that sanctions could return under a process known as the 'snapback' mechanism, which allows one of the Western parties to reimpose UN sanctions if Tehran doesn't comply with its requirements. 'Both sides came to the meeting with specific ideas,' Gharibabadi said in a social media post. 'It was agreed that consultations on this matter will continue.' Advertisement As the talks were ongoing, Iran's Foreign Ministry spokesman, Esmail Baghaei, said that he hoped that the meeting would see the E3 nations reassess their 'previous unconstructive attitude.' European leaders have said sanctions will resume by the end of August if there is no progress on containing Iran's nuclear program. The snapback mechanism 'remains on the table,' a European diplomat said on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the talks, Advertisement 'A possible delay in triggering snapback has been floated to the Iranians on the condition that there is credible diplomatic engagement by Iran, that they resume full cooperation with the IAEA (International Atomic Energy Agency), and that they address concerns about their highly-enriched uranium stockpile,' the diplomat said before Friday's negotiations. Tehran, meanwhile, has said that Washington, which withdrew from the 2015 deal during the first term of US President Trump, needs to rebuild faith in its role in negotiations. Gharibabadi previously said that Iran's engagement was dependent on 'several key principles' that included 'rebuilding Iran's trust, as Iran has absolutely no trust in the United States.' In a social media post on Thursday, he also said that the talks shouldn't be used 'as a platform for hidden agendas such as military action.' Gharibabadi insisted that Iran's right to enrich uranium 'in line with its legitimate needs' be respected, and sanctions removed. Iran has repeatedly threatened to leave the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty, which commits it to refrain from developing nuclear weapons, if sanctions return. Friday's talks were held at the deputy ministerial level, with Iran sending Gharibabadi and a fellow deputy foreign minister, Majid Takht-e Ravanchi. A similar meeting was held in Istanbul in May. The identity of the E3 representatives wasn't immediately clear, but the European Union's deputy foreign policy commissioner was thought to be attending. The UK, France, and Germany were signatories to the 2015 deal, alongside the US, Russia, and China. When Washington withdrew in 2018, Trump insisted the agreement wasn't tough enough. Under the original deal, neither Russia nor China can veto reimposed sanctions. Since the Israeli and US strikes on Iran, which saw American B-52 bombers hit three nuclear sites, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has accused the E3 of hypocrisy, saying that they failed to uphold their obligations while supporting Israel's attacks. Advertisement Against the backdrop of the conflict, in which Iran responded with missile attacks on Israel and a strike on a US base in Qatar, the road ahead remains uncertain. While European officials have said they want to avoid further conflict and are open to a negotiated solution, they have warned that time is running out. Tehran maintains that it's open to diplomacy, though it recently suspended cooperation with the IAEA. A central concern for Western powers was highlighted when the IAEA reported in May that Iran's stockpile of uranium enriched to 60% — just below weapons-grade level — had grown to more than 400 kilograms (nearly 900 pounds). In an interview with Al Jazeera that aired Wednesday, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian said that Iran is prepared for another war and reiterated that its nuclear program will continue within the framework of international law, while adding that the country had no intention of pursuing nuclear weapons. IAEA Director-General Rafael Mariano Grossi, meanwhile, said that no date had been set yet to restart inspections of Iran's nuclear facilities. Speaking during a visit to Singapore on Friday, he warned that if inspectors 'do not return soon, there will be a serious problem, because this is an international obligation of Iran.' While he was 'encouraged' by Tehran's readiness to engage with the IAEA, Grossi said that the sides needed 'to move from words to the reality.'


Boston Globe
an hour ago
- Boston Globe
Israel to allow humanitarian airdrops over Gaza
The Israeli announcement followed rising international condemnation of the dire state of affairs in Gaza, with many countries — including some of Israel's traditional allies — holding the Israeli government responsible for the situation. Israel says it is doing everything it can to allow aid into the Palestinian enclave. 'The humanitarian catastrophe that we are witnessing in Gaza must end now,' the governments of Britain, France, and Germany said in a joint statement Friday. Advertisement The severity of the humanitarian crisis over 21 months of grinding war has led some Western nations, once sympathetic to Israel's actions in Gaza, to shift their stance toward the entrenched conflict. On Thursday, France said it would soon recognize an independent state of Palestine, adding its name to a growing list of European countries to do so. Starmer said in his address Friday that he was 'unequivocal' in his support of recognizing a Palestinian state but that it would need to be part of a 'wider plan, which ultimately results in a two-state solution and lasting security for Palestinians and Israelis.' Advertisement Experts criticized the planned airdrops as largely symbolic and warned that they were unlikely to provide enough aid to the roughly two million Palestinians in Gaza, who are in dire conditions after 21 months of war. Nearly one in three people in the territory is not eating for days at a time, according to the United Nations' World Food Program. Gaza health authorities say that acute malnutrition is rising and that children have died. Ordinary Palestinians in Gaza recount that basic goods like flour are sold for sky-high prices — or are not available at all. Doctors and health workers say their colleagues are struggling to keep working as they, too, go hungry. Major news agencies, including The Associated Press, said their employees in Gaza were less and less able to feed themselves. On Friday, the United Nations accused Israel of throwing up 'bureaucratic, logistical, administrative, and other operational obstacles' to the distribution of aid. Those restrictions compound other problems with getting food to hungry people, the UN's office of humanitarian affairs said in a statement, including attacks on convoys by armed criminals inside Gaza. 'Why use airdrops when you can drive hundreds of trucks through the borders?' said Juliette Touma, the chief spokesperson for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees. 'It's much easier, more effective, faster, cheaper,' she added. Israeli officials say they have not limited the number of trucks entering the territory, and they say the UN has failed to distribute hundreds of truckloads' worth of food and other provisions from border crossings deeper into the Gaza Strip. Advertisement Ceasefire talks to end the war between Israel and Hamas, the Palestinian armed group, have stalled. Many Gaza residents had hoped a truce would allow large amounts of food to flow freely into the enclave. But on Thursday, the Israeli government and the United States announced that they were recalling negotiators from Qatar, where they had held talks with Hamas. The announcement paused hopes for an immediate ceasefire, although Israeli and Hamas officials expressed optimism that the negotiations would soon resume. Throughout Israel's nearly two-year war with Hamas, Israeli authorities have permitted some aid drops, including by the United States. But UN officials have consistently argued that the best way to bring enough food into Gaza is by land, through borders controlled by Israel and Egypt. Israel permitted hundreds of trucks with aid to enter each day for several weeks during a ceasefire that lasted from January to March. But as further truce talks between Israel and Hamas sputtered to a halt, Israel barred practically all aid from entering the Gaza Strip for more than two months, including food, fuel, and medicine. Israeli authorities began allowing convoys into Gaza again in May. But relatively little assistance entered the Gaza Strip in June compared with other points during the war, according to official Israeli data. At least one recent attempt by the UN to bring food into Gaza led to chaotic scenes as Israeli soldiers shot at crowds of Palestinians rushing to seize bags of flour. Gaza health officials reported that dozens of people were killed and wounded. On Sunday, a 25-truck convoy operated by the World Food Program made its way into the Gaza Strip. Shortly after passing the final checkpoint into Gaza, the trucks encountered huge crowds of hungry Palestinians. Advertisement 'As the convoy approached, the surrounding crowd came under fire from Israeli tanks, snipers, and other gunfire,' the World Food Program said in a statement. 'These people were simply trying to access food to feed themselves and their families on the brink of starvation.' The Israeli military said its forces had fired 'warning shots' after thousands of Palestinians rushed the area. The military disputed the death toll provided by Gaza officials but did not provide an alternate figure. This article originally appeared in