Operation Sindoor: Who is Lt Colonel Sofiya Qureshi and why is she trending on social media
After India targeted at least nine terrorist sites in Pakistan and Pakistan-occupied Kashmir during Operation Sindoor, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, along with Wing Commander Vyomika Singh and Colonel Sofiya Qureshi, addressed the media. The presence of two women officers in this official briefing marked a powerful and symbolic moment. It also showed the country's respect and support for the widows of the brave soldiers who lost their lives in the horrific Pahalgam attack on April 22. Who is Lt Colonel Sofiya Qureshi
Lieutenant Colonel Sofiya Qureshi is a distinguished officer in the Indian Army's Corps of Signals. She made history by becoming the first woman to lead an Indian Army contingent at a multinational military exercise. Hailing from Gujarat, Lt Col Qureshi was commissioned into the Indian Army through the Officers Training Academy in 1999. She comes from a family with a strong military background, which inspired her to pursue a career in the armed forces. She is married to an officer from the Mechanised Infantry. Her early assignments included various postings across India, including in counter-insurgency areas, where she served in signal regiments.
In 2006, Lt Col Qureshi served as a military observer in the United Nations Peacekeeping Operation in Congo. This experience involved monitoring ceasefires and aiding in humanitarian activities to ensure peace in conflict-affected areas.
In March 2016, Lt Col Qureshi led a 40-member Indian Army contingent at 'Exercise Force 18,' the largest foreign military exercise hosted by India. The exercise, held in Pune, saw participation from 18 ASEAN Plus countries, including China, the USA, Russia, Japan, and South Korea.
Her role was pivotal in training troops for Peacekeeping Operations and Humanitarian Mine Action. She was the only woman officer among all the participating contingents.
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News18
26 minutes ago
- News18
Operation Sindoor And After: Why War Of Attrition Must Be Avoided
Both sides, Western as well as Chinese, would be greatly interested in pulling Bharat down into a longer, messier conflict as in the Ukraine Scarcely had the embers of Operation Sindoor mellowed, did the world wake up to the eruption of Operation Rising Lion in the Israel-Iran conflict. Even as both operations continue, the world's geopolitical calculus is metamorphosing into a menacing form characterised by VUCA (volatility, uncertainty, complexity, and ambiguity). Even as militaries mobilise, economic and informational warfare are well underway—China's latest restrictions on rare earth magnet exports threaten to bring the mammoth Indian automotive industry to a grinding halt. Salvos are fired not only from missile silos, but through supply chains as well. In this threnody of war, something fundamental seems to have crystallised in India's geopolitical thinking vis-à-vis our strategic perspective on Pakistan. For the first time ever, we appear to have correctly contextualised that Pakistan's ideological basis of waging war against Bhārat and Hindus aligns fully with the economic and political interests of its army, and that the same cannot be corrected by us through constructive engagement. Second, our government has realised that our internal and external enemies form a single continuum—one cannot be treated as separate from the other. Hence, illegals being deported, rioters' houses being bulldozed, and armed attack, all deal with what is essentially the same issue. With this certainty, we seem to have finally accepted that only dismantling the State of Pakistan can guarantee India's long-term safety and security. So, focus has shifted to degrading Pakistani capabilities (targeting its air defense) and striking at its very viability (reducing downstream flows from the Indus system; banning trade via third countries). Our objective, simply stated, would be to balkanise Pakistan. The baffled reactions from some sections of our noisy commentariat seem to indicate that our government's decisive change in orientation is indeed on the right lines. The ongoing conflict in Iran will undoubtedly have Pakistan being used by both sides of the conflict at times, depending on whose bid is higher. However, unlike the Afghan conflict in the past, Pakistan is today not indispensable either to the US or to China. It is hence prone to being punished by either of these major powers if it tries to play one against the other. In all likelihood, it will end up with burnt fingers, or be taken for granted as a helpless vassal. The era of limitless foreign help propping up Pakistan for it to pretend that it has any semblance of parity with us is over. In such circumstances, India's path ahead will be challenging, with every assault against Pakistan met with domestic disturbances and feigned international consternation. However, there is no turning back for us. India must fight, and alone, as all its enemies reveal themselves as a single entity. The critical element in fulfilling India's objectives concerning Pakistan will be to prevent its local conflict from being turned into a theatre for a broader global war. Both sides, Western as well as Chinese, would be greatly interested in pulling Bhārat down into a longer, messier conflict as in the Ukraine, destabilising its hard-earned political stability and derailing its economic rise. If anything, a singular, long conflict with Pakistan will greatly delay our $5+ trillion GDP ambitions. Such a delay may prove unaffordable for us, since all of our projections hinge upon making a transition to an economic power of a magnitude that we cannot be ignored or defeated by others, but only dealt with by them. In summary, the twin national security imperatives of dismantling the State of Pakistan, and becoming a $5+ (ultimately, $10+) economy need to be addressed simultaneously. To us, it seems there is only one credible strategy to attain our economic ambitions and that is to fuse sustained non-kinetic means of degrading Pakistan's capabilities (water, trade, etc.) with intense short kinetic actions, such as the first phase of Operation Sindoor, so that we take out critical assets and military capabilities of the enemy. A war of attrition is to be avoided at all costs. The distinction between the civilian and the military in Pakistan will have to be discarded once and for all; a nation as radicalised as Pakistan is no less a threat than their terrorist army, they are for all intents and purposes, part of a singular whole. The civilian in Pakistan becomes a conduit to portray victimhood, and a tool to manufacture instability. In turn, let us also be realistic about those who may be citizens of India on paper, but are animated by foreign intrigues in their hearts and maybe wallets. We must secure the western and northwestern frontiers of the subcontinent. History stands testament to the fact that it is in these areas where our geographical vulnerabilities have been most fully exposed over centuries. As West Asia destabilises, the threat of terrorists from West Asia landing up here is a real one as long as Pakistan continues to facilitate the same. To set up Balochis and Pashtuns as the first line of defence for a shared subcontinental future, beginning with the military but ultimately culminating in the civilisational through economics, should be a medium-term goal for Bhārat. However, more immediately, what may we expect given our government's recent actions? With water volumes down all across Pakistan, their kharif crop will be poor. The pressure on the army to keep peddling higher doses of anti-Hindu jingoism will be high. Our immediate neighbourhood will continue to fester, mostly through foreign insistence. Misinformation will be peddled by the foreign-funded ecosystem pervading the media and our politics. We need to be watchful, and stay steadfast. Post-monsoons, Pakistan may face floods via the Indus with our blessings; things may take a particularly ugly turn militarily as the first snows begin blocking passes in the Himalayas and the Hindu Kush, even as another window of opportunity opens for Bhārat. Winters have helped or harmed armies on more than one occasion in world history, and we project that a winter war can decisively favour us in 2025. The world will be frigid towards the security of our country, with perhaps the exception of a few countries like Israel, which face a similar predicament. The closer we move towards winter, temperatures in and around Bhārat are expected to soar. Our future will be forged in the fires we are still to face; we cannot continue to let down our future generations with inaction clothed as conscientiousness. 'The era of procrastination, of half-measures, of soothing and baffling expedients, of delays is coming to its close. In its place we are entering a period of consequences." ~ Winston S. Churchill in 1936 on the eve of World War II. Gautam R. Desiraju is in IISc, Bengaluru and UPES, Dehradun. Deekhit Bhattacharya is in Luthra Law Associates, Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect News18's views. tags : Operation Sindoor view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 25, 2025, 17:34 IST News opinion Opinion | Operation Sindoor And After: Why War Of Attrition Must Be Avoided Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
News18
26 minutes ago
- News18
Nitish Kumar's Hindutva Alignment To Benefit From Modi's Welfare Policies
Last Updated: Realising that in current circumstances Hindutva-backed campaign is NDA's best bet in the polls, Kumar would want to be mascot for it rather than allow BJP take centre-stage Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar may well be taking the guard for one last time in an electoral battle when the state goes to polls later this year. A master political schemer, Kumar has managed a 'pendulum style' politics swaying between hard-boiled Socialist caste-based politics and soft Hindutva agenda. In the past quarter of a century, Kumar has managed, whether with the left-of-centre conundrum or right-of-centre Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), to maintain a progressive profile for his government. He has contested in alliance with the BJP on five occasions (2000, February 2005 and November 2010 and 2020), however, during every campaign, he always remained, at least in public perception, distant from the Hindutva agenda of its alliance partner the BJP. This 'distance' had allowed him to take divorce from the BJP and enter into an electoral alliance with the Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Congress in 2015, winning the polls. However, he later eloped with the mandate and formed a government with the BJP. Similarly, after winning the 2020 polls in alliance with the BJP, he bolted with the mandate and formed government with RJD-Congress, only to return back to his first suitor. However, this time around, there are clear indications that Kumar is entering the poll arena somewhat wedded (how strongly only time would tell) to the right-of-centre ideology. His party – Janata Dal (United) — in the past one year has supported the Centre on the crucial issue of Waqf (Amendment) Bill and later supported the government's diplomatic initiatives post-Operation Sindoor. What has put an affirmative stamp on his right-of-centre tilt is last Sunday's unveiling of the final design for the grand Janaki Temple at Punaura Dham in Sitamarhi. This initiative is justly seen by many as a strategic move to align with the Hindutva agenda, aiming to consolidate support among Hindu voters by emphasising cultural and religious heritage. Is this a departure by Nitish Kumar from his traditional campaign in the strongholds of Extremely Backward castes, Mahadalit communities, a large section of forward caste communities and a section of the Muslim voters? Not truly, this could be a move by the Machiavellian politician to cast his shadow over the votes which have moved to the BJP over the past 11 years thanks to several socio-economic policies of Modi government. By championing the Janaki Temple project, a venture of significant religious importance at the birthplace of Goddess Sita, Kumar is attempting to transcend caste lines and appeal to a broader Hindu electorate. He seeks to position Janaki Temple as a counterpart to the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, thus placing himself as 'no less a Hindu' than his BJP counterparts. The government's plan includes the development of a 151-foot-high temple structure, broad walkways, extensive green landscaping, and facilities like 'Sita-Vatika' and 'Luv-Kush Vatika' to enhance the mystical and creative experience for devotees. The Bihar government has appointed the same Noida-based firm, which was associated in the Ayodhya Ram Temple project, as the design consultant for the planned Janaki Temple. This Hindutva orientation has become all the more necessary because of the aggressive assault launched by the opposition on Kumar's long-time dividend-paying progressive agenda. RJD's Chief Ministerial face Tejashwi Yadav has accused Kumar of replicating the BJP's Hindutva agenda without genuine commitment to religious or cultural development. He has claimed that such projects are being used to distract from pressing issues such as unemployment, poverty, and lack of infrastructure. There is reason to see some truth in what Yadav is saying. However, this alignment on Hindutva agenda is also focussed at Kumar dominating campaign narrative. Unlike the 2020 polls, he would not want to emerge as runner-up to the BJP within the alliance. Realising full well that in the current circumstances Hindutva-backed campaign is NDA's best bet in the upcoming polls, Kumar would want to be the mascot for it rather than allow a BJP leader take the centre stage on the matter. He would want a perception to build that Hindu voters who list religious and cultural identity in their political considerations voted for NDA not despite Kumar but for Kumar. Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: June 24, 2025, 16:30 IST News opinion Opinion | Nitish Kumar's Hindutva Alignment To Benefit From Modi's Welfare Policies Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.
News18
27 minutes ago
- News18
Modi's Playbook For Quad: Shaming Pakistan, Countering China And Dismissing Trump
In what should be considered a landmark diplomatic outcome for New Delhi, the Quad joint statement "unequivocally condemns all acts of terrorism, including cross-border terrorism." Indian foreign policy was long characterised by a cautious balancing act, a legacy of non-alignment that prioritised strategic autonomy, sometimes at the cost of decisive articulation. Today, that playbook is being rewritten by Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his team. For instance, take the joint statement released after the Quad Foreign Ministers' meeting on July 1 in Washington DC, which signals something more direct: a clear articulation of India's strategic priorities and, crucially, its success in embedding them within a vital international partnership that is emerging as a force to reckon with in the Indo Pacific. India's approach at QUAD reveals a multi-pronged strategy focused on three reinforcing fronts: First, building a substantive and institutional counter to China's expansionist ambitions in the Indo Pacific. Second, securing explicit international support against cross-border terrorism in light of the Pahalgam terror attack and India's audacious military campaign against Pakistan. And third, reinforcing its autonomy on internal matters by rejecting external interference. This, in light of President Donald Trump's rather persistent efforts to rehyphenate India with Pakistan following the success of Operation Sindoor. The QUAD joint statement marks the most significant step yet in dismantling this outdated and dangerous framework. In what should be considered a landmark diplomatic outcome for New Delhi, the statement 'unequivocally condemns all acts of terrorism…including cross-border terrorism." This specific phrase has long been a cornerstone of Indian diplomatic lexicon. It formally acknowledges the state-sponsored nature of the threat India faces, shifting the global narrative from a vague 'dispute" to a recognised act of aggression directed from beyond its borders – often at the behest of religious zealots who command and control the Pakistani military. In fact, prior to the meeting, Dr Jaishankar told international media that 'victims and perpetrators (of terrorism) must never be equated" and that India 'will exercise" its right to self-defence. This is significant, given that US Secretary of State and Trump's national security adviser, Marco Rubio was standing right behind the Indian foreign minister when these remarks were made. This was India making it clear – not-so-subtly I might add – that any efforts to hyphenate India with Pakistan will not just be rejected diplomatically, but also provoke a robust and unapologetic response from New Delhi. In other words, India has drawn a red line: there should be no equivalence between a nation battling cross-border terrorism and the one perpetuating it. Effectively, India articulated a policy of proactive defence that is now implicitly understood by its most powerful partners. A Rules-Based Order for the Indo-Pacific While successfully confronting its immediate threats, India has not lost sight of the larger strategic picture. The primary mandate of the Quad has always been the Indo-Pacific and keeping it 'free and open." This is a euphemism for creating a stable and lawful order in the face of China's increasing assertiveness. The statement voices strong opposition to 'any unilateral actions that seek to change the status quo by force or coercion" and details 'serious concern about the situation in the East China Sea and South China Sea." It has condemned China's 'dangerous and provocative actions," including the use of 'maritime militia vessels" and 'interference with offshore resource development." For India, this is a strategic imperative. A free and open Indo-Pacific is essential for its trade, energy security, and to prevent strategic encirclement – which has long been China's motive. By anchoring the Quad's position in international law, specifically UNCLOS, India and its partners are building a framework of legitimacy to challenge Beijing's 'might is right" approach. Tangible initiatives, like the 'Quad Critical Minerals Initiative" to counter the weaponisation of supply chains and the 'Quad Ports of the Future Partnership in Mumbai," position India as a central hub in a tangible alternative to China's Belt and Road Initiative. Moreover, the coast guard of the four QUAD nations have also begun joint drills in the region. The message to China could not be clearer. Dismissing Unsolicited Advice: The Kashmir Question The third pillar of India's confident diplomacy is the quiet but firm assertion of absolute sovereignty. On issues like Kashmir, where figures like Donald Trump have been seen making unsolicited offers of mediation, India's policy remains consistent and non-negotiable: it is an internal matter, period. India recognises that Trump's periodic offers are driven less by a nuanced understanding of the subcontinent's geopolitics and more by domestic political compulsions. In an increasingly volatile world where American influence has struggled to defuse raging conflicts – whether it be the brutal war in Ukraine or the intractable hostilities in West Asia – the U.S. President is perennially in search of a diplomatic 'win." The idea of brokering a peace deal over Kashmir, however illusory, appeals to his desire to be seen as a master 'dealmaker" and global peacemaker. India's calm and consistent dismissal of such overtures is a sign of its diplomatic maturity. It refuses to allow its sovereign matters to become a political football in another country's domestic arena. By securing a single document that addresses Chinese maritime aggression and Pakistan-sponsored terrorism with equal and specific gravity, India is successfully framing its distinct security challenges for a global audience. It makes the case that a rules-based order is threatened as much by a terrorist crossing a border in Kashmir as it is by a militia vessel ramming a fishing boat in the South China Sea. As India prepares to host the next Quad Leaders' Summit, its role is clearly evolving from a balancing power to a leading one. The playbook on display is one of pragmatic, interest-driven alignment. It leverages the Quad framework not only to address the long-term strategic challenge in the Indo-Pacific but also to gain substantive, unambiguous support for its most immediate and persistent security threats. This reflects an India that is finally, and effectively, speaking the language of power and interest on the global stage, and making sure that the world listens. Sanbeer Singh Ranhotra Sanbeer Singh Ranhotra is a producer and video journalist at Network18. He is enthusiastic about and writes on both national affairs as well as geopolitics. view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 02, 2025, 15:36 IST News opinion Straight Talk | Modi's Playbook For Quad: Shaming Pakistan, Countering China And Dismissing Trump Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. 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