
Return of Glasgow's fireworks display being explored
However, it has now emerged that officials are looking at a smaller event at reduced cost but still a public display free to the public.
READ NEXT: Glasgow Labour clash with SNP and Greens over Kneecap in Palestine debate
Annette Christie, chair of Glasgow Life told a meeting of Glasgow City Council that a report on the discussions would be produced int eh next two weeks.
She said the budget is smaller and security and safety costs are high.
Christie said: 'Currently Glasgow Life is exploring the feasibility of a similar event within a reduced budget of approximately £100,000 potentially through the Common Good Fund.
'The event would still be free to attend, take place around Bonfire Night and aim to deliver meaningful impact and quality.
'This work is nearing completion but does remain challenging.
'Safety and security costs are still substantial and may leave limited funding for a display of adequate scale.'
She was asked by Jon Molyneux, Greens councillor about using the Common Good Fund for a display.
Any new event would not be the same as before when tens of thousands were in Glasgow Green for a spectacular show and the associated costs could rule out Glasgow Green.
READ NEXT: Council tells Celtic fans 'Do not attend' title party in Trongate on Saturday
Christie, said: 'Glasgow Life previously estimated that reinstating the traditional free civic Bonfire Night fireworks display would cost around £330,000.
'This figure reflects the scale of the event accommodating 25,00 people and the need for a high quality display.
'Safety and security requirements are also a major factor in these costs.'
She said that closing off a section of the park, and providing full police, security and medical support was 'challenging'.
The organisation's chair said: 'We have to install hostile vehicle mitigation in the surrounding streets. We also have full security and medical deployment, complete with ambulance provision and Police Scotland provide anti-social disorder officers as well as the regular deployment of officers, which requires payment also.'
She said she was 'happy to look at other areas of the city, not necessarily Glasgow Green' and suggested 'smaller neighbourhood displays' She invited councillors to come forward with any suggestions.
Molyneux said a return to a free civic display would be welcome.
He added: 'I'm pleased to hear that work is progressing and will progress at pace.
'I think it's clear that this is something that would be popular with most Glaswegians.
"It would certainly be welcomed by the fire service and I think it's important that we extend the areas in the city that may be subject to fireworks controls.'
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The Guardian
5 hours ago
- The Guardian
Macron not expected at UN summit on two-state solution for Palestine and Israel
A UN summit on a two-state solution for Palestine and Israel – postponed by the Israel-Iran war – has been rescheduled for 28 and 29 July, but it is not expected that the French president, Emmanuel Macron, will attend, making it less likely that it will trigger a series of high-profile announcements on recognition of a Palestinian state. Macron, who last week told UK parliamentarians a two-state solution was 'the only way to build peace and stability for all in the whole region', has been trying to build momentum for recognition of a state of Palestine by a wide group of countries, but the lack of movement in ceasefire negotiations between Hamas and Israel is making such decisions more complex. Israel and the US both oppose recognition of a Palestinian state, and have been advising UN delegations not to attend the UN conference in New York. Israel has said that recognition would be seen as a reward for Hamas terrorism. The conference originally slated for June was postponed when the Israeli attack on Iran created a security crisis across the Middle East. The conference has a set of working parties that are designed to ease the path to a two-state solution, including plans for future Palestinian governance, economic renewal and challenging the narratives of hate. French sources insisted decisions on recognition had not been made, and a subsequent event in Paris would provide the platform. Recognition was discussed last week at the Anglo-French summit, where Macron made two public appeals without setting a timetable. Macron called for recognition in his speech to UK parliamentarians and in his closing press conference. 'With Gaza in ruin and the West Bank being attacked on a daily basis, the perspective of a Palestinian state has never been put at risk as it is,' he told MPs. 'And this is why this solution of the two states and the recognition of the state of Palestine is … the only way to build peace and stability for all in the whole region.' The joint declaration issued by Macron and the UK prime minister, Keir Starmer, simply reaffirmed their commitment to 'recognising a Palestinian state, as a contribution to a peace process'. And they pledged to 'work together to support its development and the realisation of a two-state solution'. Le Monde reported at the weekend that neither Macron nor the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, would attend the UN conference, and that the summit would instead be led by foreign ministers. That does not preclude Macron making his long-trailed announcement at a different point. The French preference has been to make the historic recognition announcement jointly with the UK, and possibly Canada. Speaking about the issue at length to parliament's foreign affairs select committee, the UK foreign secretary, David Lammy, referred to the country's role in shaping the Middle East through the Balfour declaration, saying: 'I would prefer that the United Kingdom is part of a process, particularly if you look at the history, including our relationship with Balfour and the two communities that were effectively brought together at the birth of the Israeli state.' He added: 'A ceasefire might be the beginning of a process, and I suspect that our French colleagues are also waiting to see whether there is a ceasefire in the next few days. That would be the beginning of something, particularly if it is a permanent ceasefire and not a pause.' Sign up to First Edition Our morning email breaks down the key stories of the day, telling you what's happening and why it matters after newsletter promotion Lammy said the decisions of some European countries to recently recognise a Palestinian state had not led to changes on the ground in the West Bank and Gaza, but he admitted it was a judgment call and said he had some sympathy with those who argued that the pace of building Israeli settlements on the West Bank was putting the existence of a Palestinian state in question. He stressed he did not see a wider normalisation between Saudi Arabia and Israel taking place unless Israel made some concession on the recognition of Palestine. 'From my conversations with the Saudis and the Saudi foreign minister, normalisation will be impossible to achieve until there is a ceasefire and unless there is tangible progress on two states. Frankly, I commend my Saudi counterparts for holding true to that,' he told MPs. Separately, foreign ministers from Israel and Palestine are expected to attend a dinner in Brussels on Monday. The Israeli foreign minister, Gideon Saar, and his Palestinian counterpart, Varsen Aghabekian, have both confirmed their attendance at an EU-Southern Neighbourhood ministerial meeting, but it is not clear if they will meet or talk to one another. The aim of the Brussels meeting is to strengthen relations between the EU and its 10 partner countries in the Mediterranean region.


New Statesman
5 hours ago
- New Statesman
Compulsory voting can save British democracy
The July 2024 general election produced one of the most fragmented results in British history: while Labour won a huge majority, it did so on only 34% of the vote. Amidst a falling combined vote share for the two major parties, we saw the entrance of Reform MPs into Parliament, and the victory of historic numbers of Greens and independents. Since then, this fragmentation has only accelerated: Reform is now surging, while ex-Corbynites moot the formation of new challenger parties on the left; the two traditional parties of government both languish in the polls, commanding less than 50% support between them. With the first-past-the-post electoral system increasingly failing either to keep the old party-system in place, or to force the electorate into new coherent blocs, the traditional calls for proportional representation (PR) have grown louder. Electoral reformers argue that we need a voting system in which the public's true preferences can be given free rein, and the party system allowed to naturally evolve. While its advocates may be right that PR is an inherently fairer system, the political diagnosis behind it feels outdated. British politics is not so much defined by an institutionally-thwarted re-alignment, as by an ever more widespread phenomenon of de-alignment. Old party loyalties may be falling away, but they are not being replaced by anything new. In other words, what we are witnessing is not simply the senescence of a particular party system, but rather a more general breakdown of the relationship between citizens and the state – a breakdown that is perhaps most starkly reflected in the rising number of citizens who no longer bother voting. This is the phenomenon that the Irish political scientist Peter Mair famously diagnosed as the 'hollowing out' of democracy, in which the collapse of traditional mediating institutions, and a 'mutual retreat' of politicians and voters from the public sphere, leaves citizens disconnected from political elites, who in turn find themselves presiding over a socio-political 'void'. In the context of the Mair-ian void, PR loses its radical edge, and risks doing little more than accelerating political fragmentation, re-arranging the distribution of seats between flimsy and hollow parties, all of which struggle to mobilise voters and fail to command lasting loyalties. Those looking to remedy the crisis of UK democracy should therefore begin looking to an alternative (or perhaps complimentary), less-discussed approach to electoral reform: the introduction of compulsory voting. Currently used in 22 democracies across the world, compulsory voting works by making voting a duty, legally obligating eligible voters to cast a ballot, and issuing those who fail to do so with a small fine. In the UK, compulsory voting saw a flurry of advocacy in the New Labour years, when then-unprecedentedly low levels of general election turnout saw politicians like Peter Hain, David Blunkett, and Tom Watson turn to it as a potential solution. More recently, it has been advocated by right-wing journalists like Tim Montgomerie, centrist podcasting behemoth 'The Rest is Politics', and prominent left-wing politicians like former Welsh First Minister Mark Drakeford. Last week, a new cross-party Campaign for Compulsory Voting was established, bringing together politicians, democracy activists, and academics from across the four nations of the United Kingdom. Advocacy for compulsory voting is based on two fundamental premises. First, that the fashionable minimalist conception of democratic citizenship as consisting of nothing more than a bundle of individual rights is insufficient. The idea of compulsory voting draws instead on older notions of civic responsibility, active citizenship, and democracy as a system of mutual obligations. It is our duty as citizens to help ensure the healthy functioning of the democratic system from which we all benefit, and that means participating in elections. Subscribe to The New Statesman today from only £8.99 per month Subscribe Second, the case for compulsory voting is based on an understanding that within a democratic system, elections based on universal suffrage provide the central mechanism for linking individuals to the state, for aggregating public preferences, and for ensuring that governments are incentivised to serve the interests of their citizens. When voter turnout ceases to be near-universal, and instead falls to low levels, elections cease to be able to perform this function, and democracy slips into crisis. Here in the UK, we are deep into that crisis territory. The last election saw barely more than half of eligible voters participate. Within that, data from Ipsos suggests that turnout was over 10 points higher amongst white voters than ethnic minorities, over 20 points higher amongst upper-class voters than working-class voters, and over 30 points higher amongst over-65s than under-65s, and amongst homeowners than renters. The result is an unrepresentative electorate – richer, older, whiter, and more secure than the UK public at large. This in turn creates warped incentives for politicians, who are pushed by cold electoral logic to disproportionately prioritise the interests of an older, economically-insulated minority at the expense of the wider public. We have seen this play out in practice as pensioner benefits have been protected at the expense of working-age welfare, and as soaring asset-price inflation has gone unaccompanied by either GDP or real wage growth. Crucially, such outcomes only exacerbate the initial problem: stagnation and inequality drive disillusionment with democratic politics, pushing more and more voters into the arms of either extremism or abstention, and leaving vast swathes of the public both alienated and disconnected from the democratic political process. The central challenge British politics faces today is thus how to reconnect citizens with the state. The answer is unlikely to be purely constitutional – changes in how political parties, public services, and the media operate are all no doubt necessary. But political reform nonetheless has its part to play: above all, elections must once again become effective means of democratic linkage, and credible expressions of public will. For this to be the case, turnout must be both high and demographically even. With turnout as low as it is today, compulsory voting is the only reform whose impact would be on the scale necessary (in countries such as Australia where compulsory voting is used, turnout rates regularly reach over 90%). Critics will surely object that compulsory voting is illiberal, or that it represents an unacceptable imposition on personal freedom. Such arguments should quickly be dismissed: coercion and civic obligation are an inevitable and necessary feature of democratic life. We happily accept them in the form of taxes, jury duty, or the obligation to fill out the census, so why not apply the same logic to voting, the most basic democratic act of all? Citizens would still have the option of actively abstaining by spoiling their ballot, and fines imposed on non-voters are unlikely to be onerous (in Australia they are slightly under £10). Ultimately, such reservations should be seen as trifling in the face of the scale of the democratic crisis we face. What compulsory voting offers is a means of breaking the vicious cycle of low turnout, warped incentives, bad policy, and rising political disaffection. If compulsory voting feels like a muscular measure, so be it – it is simply what the moment demands. Related


The Guardian
6 hours ago
- The Guardian
‘I had a home, apartment, career' … the Guardian's Gaza diarist on the life he lost – and his journey into exile
On the morning of 7 October 2023, the author of the Guardian's Gaza diary woke up planning to play tennis. 'This year I decided to take care of my mental and physical health,' he wrote in his first entry, published six days later. 'This means no stress, no negative energy and definitely more tennis.' Instead, with the news full of how Hamas had broken out of the territory, killing 1,200 people, he found himself scrambling desperately for the documents showing he owned his apartment in Gaza City, in the north of the strip. 'If our building gets bombed, I need evidence that this apartment belongs to me,' he wrote. The thirtysomething had long been used to what Palestinians in Gaza called 'situations' – escalations in the battle between the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) and Hamas. But he soon realised this situation was different. Israel's response has, so far, killed more than 57,000 and left 1.9 million people – 90% of the Gazan population – displaced. On 13 October, Gaza City's residents were told to evacuate and head south. 'It feels like 1948,' the diarist wrote, a reference to the Nakba ('catastrophe'), when 700,000 Palestinians were expelled from a newly independent Israel. 'It is group migration,' he said. 'There are many people walking while carrying their children and their bags because they couldn't find a car. Some people are leaving in buses and others in the back of trucks. Whenever they see people walking, they invite them to jump in. It breaks my heart.' His diaries were full of questions. 'Is the abnormal going to become the normal? Is two weeks of misery all it takes?' A gentle man, he looks back at what he wrote at that time and says: 'I see all these questions I was asking. I had no answers back then. Now I've seen how it turned out. And it was horrible.' I've known him for perhaps five years, so find myself in the odd position of interviewing someone who exudes life – but who now, afraid for that life, is retreating ever further into secrecy and darkness. The prospect of these diaries, which ran over six months and 48 columns in the Guardian, being published as a book has been causing him panic attacks. More than 180 journalists have been killed in Gaza since October 2023 (some sources suggest that figure is closer to 210). So the book is credited to Anonymous – not even a pseudonym. So, forgive me if certain details here are hazy. The diarist and I first met because I try to help young journalists in authoritarian states and war zones to get published in English language media. He was the perfect candidate, wanting to tell the stories we normally don't hear from Gaza – of musicians, sportspeople, even the trouble Palestinian men have with crying. He says of his life then: 'I had a home, an apartment, a career, friends, normal things that no one thinks about, like the pharmacist in my street handing me my medicine, knowing I'd pay on my next visit.' He's in his 30s, and one of Gaza's intellectuals: middle-class Palestinians are known for their education throughout the Middle East. His parents are dead, and he lived with his sister, their cats and a goldfish. 'Before 7 October, there were many places around me that had witnessed me feeling happy, laughing, crying,' he says. As the IDF began its assault, first in retribution, then in annihilation, he sent me news of his new life between falling bombs. At the time, I was struck by how his diary entries arrived devoid of the sectarian fury that sticks like phosphorus to all opinions on Israel/Palestine. What emerged were descriptions of the reality of the people around him, innocent people, told in his simple poetic style. Now, he talks of how important it was for him to portray Palestinians in Gaza as normal – particularly the men, who are often seen as monsters. 'The men are nice people, they have feelings. They are not some kind of a different species.' In the first fortnight of the war, he had to evacuate three times, to a friend's house, to another friend's house and then, when they, too, had to evacuate, to a house in a town in the south of the Gaza Strip, belonging to a man called Ahmad, who didn't know them but took them in regardless. 'My sister and I are among the lucky ones,' he wrote. The unlucky were those collecting in the schools and open spaces, who he would visit with fresh water. 'The school is no longer an educational entity,' he wrote. 'It is literally a camp.' He wrote about the changes in those around him. 'Making decisions was the most difficult thing,' he says now. 'I know people who distributed their children among different homes, so that if one house got bombed, the rest would live. Too often, they were right to do so.' His goldfish didn't last, but he and his sister went to great lengths to keep their cats alive. They became a motif that attracted a remarkable number of the Guardian's readers. Saving them, even putting himself in danger to do so, became an act of faith and a point of dark humour. A friend wrote to say she had created a 'prayer bubble' to keep him safe, and he asked for the cats to be included. There were other stories: 'I go with Ahmad to get some stuff for the house. On our way, we see a boy of about 14 walking with what seems like his two younger sisters. They are holding bags of crisps in their hands, unopened. He tells them: 'Eat your crisps before we get bombed and die.'' And, of course, there was news of deaths: 'I wonder how scared my friend was. Was he hugging his girls when they all died?' He settled into his anything but routine life with his host family, all the while expressing his luck to have such shelter. At moments of despair, he would refer to a piece of poetry, such as Mary Elizabeth Frye's Do Not Stand at My Grave and Weep. 'Do not stand by my grave and weep / I am not there. I do not sleep / I am a thousand winds that blow.' There were moments of intense fear, when bombs landed nearby, or further moves were contemplated. And there were moments when the internet was cut, leaving him isolated. Worried messages would then flood in from readers, and I would hear from Tracy, the outwardly hard-bitten editor on the Guardian who became his most concerned and loyal supporter. He never lost his spirit, though. 'There was this awful seed of hope inside of me,' he says now. 'It never died. But deciding to remain hopeful was very difficult and it took a lot of energy.' Ahmad's family was large. At times there were 35 people in the house. There was Ahmad's mother, grandmother to three children who were also there. She kept everyone alive, somehow creating at least one meal a day. 'Gaza's children hadn't been able to go to school because of Covid,' he tells me. 'Then came the war. So there are children who are eight years old who don't know how to write their name. The grandmother used to dedicate an hour of her day to teaching her grandchildren. How come she's not known as one of the most impressive people ever?' Early in the diaries, he revisited a subject, reporting that Gazan men do cry: 'I saw one collapsed building with three men standing opposite, looking at it, and heavy tears were falling from their eyes.' Then came the day the diaries stopped. The diarist, his sister and the cats had crossed Gaza's southern border, to become exiles. I asked him to keep writing, and he has, but he no longer wanted to publish. He said he was too identifiable, that the danger was far from over. 'And what about when I return?' he asked. There was also his overwhelming guilt that he had managed to survive and get out. 'Ahmad's family, who hosted us, are still in Gaza. And you know what? In this very tough moment, when people are starving, every time I talk to them, they say, 'We are fine. We are managing.' And I know that they are not managing – they weren't managing when I was there. Those great people, who helped others, who welcomed me and my sister, oh my God, I will always be for ever in debt to them.' He pauses to collect himself, then adds: 'It seems that those who were killed were the lucky ones, because they did not have to see what came next.' He prefers not to reveal too much about his life now, or where he is, but is happy to talk about exile. 'It feels like your soul has been snatched out of your body,' he says. 'What are we as human beings, if not our stories and memories and moments? If you walk by a street and remember: 'Here, I met my friends,' or: 'Here I held someone's hand who I was in love with,' or: 'Here I cried,' or: 'Here I buried my mother.' If those things are taken, what is left?' Having looked after his family within Gaza, he now finds himself struggling to look after himself. 'A friend gave me a plant and I had a panic attack. I cannot commit to a plant.' At present, he is surrounded by fellow refugees, and has noticed a new decisiveness. 'I know people who decided to get a divorce. When they were in Gaza, they couldn't because of the traditions. Now they say, 'We were about to be wiped off the earth, so at least let me live the life I wanted.'' Others have taken different directions. He has heard of people turning to drugs, alcohol, sex, 'or hurting the people in their lives, being physically aggressive'. He instead has returned to sport. 'So I'm blessed, until this moment.' He has to keep moving, he says. His sister tells him they have to stay ahead of tragedy. 'She says, 'This is history repeating itself. It's not something new.'' And all the while, he swings from hope to despair. 'I met a guy, not Gazan, who is working hard because he wants to get an apartment, and I said, 'Please take time to smell the flowers. Take time to enjoy your life. You can lose it all in a moment.'' His hopes of returning to Gaza have been fading. He tells me to look at Google satellite images of Gaza. I do and it is horrifying, but he says it's more about the people. A friend was talking about how entire peoples can be eclipsed – the Native Americans, say, or Indigenous Australians. 'I replied, 'Are you telling me that in 100 or 200 years, when people think about the culture in this land next to Egypt, they will say, 'Well, there were people here called the Gazans, but then a new culture came. We should apologise to those Gazans'? Are you telling me we will end up being a line in someone's story?' Having received his diaries in real time, I have of course spent much of the last 21 months thinking about my friend, a bit like a helpless idiot calling down to someone at the bottom of a well. But I believe, strongly, that while his instinct has been to write as an anonymous everyman, this is no diary of a nobody. It has felt like the diary of a point of light, moving through a darkening landscape, one among millions of points of light, being eclipsed one by one. The clock has ticked round to 1am as we talk. I ask who he hates. 'Believe it or not, I don't hate anyone,' he says. 'It is not my nature, hating people.' I ask about the cats. 'Oh, they have grown fat!' It's late, but he wants to keep talking. 'I miss sleeping well,' he says. Who Will Tell My Story? by Anonymous (Guardian Faber, £12.99). To support the Guardian, order your copy at Delivery charges may apply.