
US-based RedBird Capital poised to acquire the Telegraph UK in $1b-plus deal
Cardinale said: 'This transaction marks the start of a new era for the Telegraph as we look to grow the brand in the UK and internationally, invest in its technology and expand its subscriber base.
'We believe the UK is a great place to invest, and this acquisition is an important part of RedBird's growing portfolio of media and entertainment companies in the UK.'
In recent years the Telegraph has been navigating the decline of printed newspapers by investing in building its base of paying digital subscribers. Initial rapid growth slowed after 2021 when its previous owners, the Barclay family, got into financial difficulties and applied a squeeze to extract cash.
RedBird Capital is expected to allow the Telegraph to reinvest more of its profits, which at the operating level were more than £54m last year.
Cardinale aims for the brand to become a force in US and global journalism, targeting an intelligent centre-right readership that is not currently well-served. He also aims to expand the Telegraph 's successful travel offering and build an events business.
Telegraph editor Chris Evans said: 'The Telegraph has made enormous progress in recent years since the launch of its digital subscription strategy, thanks to the hard work of its brilliant staff and valued support of its readers.
'But there is much more that can be achieved. With the right plan and the right investment by ambitious new owners, this venerable title can look forward to an era of unprecedented success.'
Telegraph Media Group chief executive Anna Jones said the company had 'exceptional journalism at its heart'.
She said: 'RedBird Capital Partners have exciting growth plans that build on our success – and will unlock our full potential across the breadth of our business.'
As he works to complete the consortium, Cardinale, 58, is understood to be in detailed talks with the owner of the Daily Mail, Lord Rothermere. In 2023, Lord Rothermere lined up to bid for control of the Telegraph in an abortive auction, but is now said to be discussing taking a stake just shy of 10%.
Sources close to the talks said a deal would position both titles to capture savings by sharing certain costs while seeking to stay within competition and media plurality rules. Lord Rothermere's company DMGT already sells print advertising space in the Telegraph and is involved in its printing.
More minority investors are expected to be named in the coming weeks before a final deal is submitted to regulators. Sources said Cardinale had lined up more backers among his British contacts in sport and media investing.
The former Goldman Sachs banker has emerged as a significant dealmaker in football in recent years, with RedBird Capital the owner of AC Milan and a shareholder in Fenway Sports, the group behind Liverpool FC.
Cardinale is also poised to become a bigger player in Hollywood as a backer of the US$12b ($20b) takeover of the producer and broadcaster Paramount, which owns Channel 5 in Britain.
IMI, the UAE's media investment vehicle, is expected to retain a stake in the Telegraph of up to 15% as part of the plans. Under proposals by Culture Secretary Lisa Nandy, an outright ban on foreign states owning shares in newspapers, which blocked RedBird IMI's attempted takeover, is to be relaxed.
The move follows lobbying by Lord Rothermere and Rupert Murdoch. They argued earlier plans for a more stringent 5% limit on foreign state investment would cut the news industry off from an important potential source of capital at a time of dizzying change.
The 15% limit has split the Conservatives, who were in power when the RedBird IMI deal was blocked.
The party's leadership has said it will support the higher figure but Julia Lopez, the media minister at the time of the original ban, branded Labour's decision a 'sell-out'.
Lord Forsyth of Drumlean has said he will back a Liberal Democrat 'fatal motion' to obstruct the legislation and declared foreign state shareholdings a 'systemic threat to a free press'. He claimed the Government had yielded to diplomatic pressure after the UAE took offence at the decision to block RedBird IMI's attempted takeover of the Telegraph.
Under the planned laws, the UAE will be barred from involvement in the running of the Telegraph as a purely passive shareholder. The Culture Secretary will have a duty to trigger an investigation of potential breaches and powers to force the country to exit its investment if it is found to have exercised influence.
Cardinale's agreement in principle with IMI, which is ultimately controlled by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, the Deputy Prime Minister of the UAE, is expected to call time on a protracted parallel sale process overseen by the investment bank Robey Warshaw.
An IMI spokesman said: 'We're delighted with this announcement and know that the Telegraph has a bright future under the control of Gerry Cardinale and RedBird Capital.
'This will end the uncertainty that has been facing the Telegraph, secure its future and enable it to thrive and grow for years to come.'
Robey Warshaw ran a sale process last year that was eventually nicknamed 'the newspaper auction from hell'. It was the second in the saga since the Barclay family lost control of the Telegraph in early June 2023 after a dispute with Lloyds Banking Group over £1.2b of overdue debt.
Dovid Efune, the publisher of the New York Sun, emerged as the winning bidder under the Robey Warshaw process last October, but subsequently struggled to raise the necessary funds. He has persisted in what some bankers and media executives view as a quixotic quest to finance his offer, however, and last weekend made a surprise return to the fray.
Efune's latest bid includes support from the former Cabinet Minister Nadhim Zahawi, who is well-connected in the UAE and was involved in the original deal between the Barclay family and RedBird IMI, and hedge fund chief Jeremy Hosking, who is the main donor to the right-wing populist Reclaim party led by the controversial actor Laurence Fox.
The Efune consortium is pitching its gate-crashing attempt as a 'British bid' in contrast with RedBird Capital's more international outlook. Sources close to the process said Efune's fundraising was still not complete and that the bid included a level of debt that would be difficult to support, although he remains in discussions to sign up more supporters.
Cardinale's consortium is expected to rely on debt of little over £100m, or about two years of the Telegraph 's underlying profits. The current level of borrowing is about £60m.
In recent days the two men have both been meeting influential figures in London to drum up support as the battle over the Telegraph seemingly reaches its climax. In one potentially comic scene, Cardinale and Efune this week ran into each other in Parliament as they met different peers interested in the issues.
While Cardinale appears favourite to prevail, there remain hurdles to completing a deal.
Efune may review legal options over the Government's handling of the lengthy process, for instance. Meanwhile, regulators are likely to closely scrutinise all members of the RedBird Capital consortium and their sources of funding. Cardinale is also yet to secure final commitments from his planned co-investors.
The likely involvement of a rival newspaper publisher in DMGT will also pose questions about competition and media plurality that could further complicate and lengthen the path. A full investigation by the Competition and Markets Authority could take 24 weeks, although Nandy has discretion to opt for a quicker process.
Cardinale has already met senior commercial and editorial executives at the Telegraph to build relationships and discuss business plans, including utilising RedBird Capital's technology experts.

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NZ Herald
4 days ago
- NZ Herald
On the Up: Power pricing start-up Factor secures $3m, signs first customer across the Tasman
The Wellington-based pair say Factor is delivering a suite of tools – with AI in the mix – that automate what has traditionally been a clunky, spreadsheet-based pricing process for energy retailers, distribution networks and other energy tech companies. 'Simon and I have been working together for a decade. We were part of the founding team at Flick Electric,' Venning-Bryan says, name-checking the upstart electricity retailer that began its life selling power at wholesale rates plus a margin. Flick was sold to Z in 2018 for $46m. Z, in turn, sold Flick to Meridian in May for $70m. 'I was CMO [chief marketing officer] there and Simon was CTO [chief technology officer].' After Flick was sold to Z, Venning-Bryan and Pohlen left to help scale up Flux Federation, Meridian's in-house effort to create billing software (last month, Meridian announced plans to cull 53 jobs from Flux as it entered an outsourcing deal with British firm Kraken). 'In the course of that work, we got to understand the commercial and industrial sector more deeply. We could see there was an opportunity in forecasting and pricing. 'The crux of the problem is that when a utility – and this is globally true – has to provide a price for a commercial customer, which could be anyone from an office building through to a factory through to a farm, those prices are bespoke. They don't come off a generic price book like they might for residential. 'So what happens is they go to a back office pricing team, who almost always use a combination of SQL [database] queries and spreadsheets to come up with a price. It can take a few days or even a few weeks.' And things are getting more complicated as corporate power customers add solar panels to some of their rooftops, and maybe install EV chargers – and in Fonterra's case, electric milk truck chargers – and other points of complexity amid greater electrification. The rise of AI offered the opportunity to quickly gather pricing from legacy systems without power companies having to rip them out. 'We interviewed 30 utilities in 15 markets to validate our own thinking about that opportunity,' Venning-Bryan says. Max Factor To outsiders, coming from a tiny market might seem a disadvantage. But Venning-Bryan says offshore utilities are gobsmacked by the lengths the start-up has had to go to grapple with New Zealand's multi-player market, which has 27 networks. Their pitch: if they can make it work here, they can make it work anywhere. 'We cut our teeth in New Zealand, one of the world's most complex energy markets, with dozens of distribution networks and no standardised meter data format. We built Factor to handle that, and in doing so we built something market-agnostic. That's why we're ready to scale globally,' Venning-Bryan says. Pohlen says Factor can be set up using natural language queries, thanks to technology that builds on Amazon Web Service's Chronos LLM (large language model). Factor has 10 staff, mostly AI experts and data scientists. The new funding will be used in part to expand the team, including sales and marketing roles. Icehouse Ventures chief executive Robbie Paul says Factor's ability to apply modern software design and AI to deeply entrenched industry problems is what drew his attention. 'Just when you think software and AI has eliminated all inefficiencies, in walk great entrepreneurs like Jessica Venning-Bryan and Simon Pohlen optimising a colossal industry like energy,' Paul says. Factor is Icehouse's second early-stage investment announced this week. The firm has raised $16m toward its target $30m for its new Seed Fund IV. Chris Keall is an Auckland-based member of the Herald's business team. He joined the Herald in 2018 and is the technology editor and a senior business writer.


NZ Herald
11-07-2025
- NZ Herald
Trump tariffs: What's the latest on the trade war?
It came a day after he announced a plan to impose a 50% tariff on all imports from Brazil. He suggested that the new levies were partly a response to a 'witch hunt' against Brazil's former president Jair Bolsonaro. A political ally of Trump, Bolsonaro is facing trial for attempting a coup. President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of Brazil said in a statement yesterday that his country would retaliate, and that Brazil 'will not accept being abused by anyone'. Trump also announced plans to impose a 50% tariff on imported copper on August 1 after his advisers submitted a report arguing that protecting copper was important for national security. The metal is also heavily used by the manufacturing and construction industries, which are likely to pay higher prices for imported copper. The threats came as part of a wave of announcements this week of potential new import tax rates on goods from more than 20 nations, which Trump said would also take effect August 1. In many instances, the rates Trump announced were the same as or close to the high levels he threatened to impose in April, when he rolled out punishing levies on nearly 60 US trading partners. He then abruptly reversed course for 90 days — for every country except China — to give governments time to make deals. Since then, US officials have been juggling negotiations with trading partners, working to draft agreements before the 90-day deadline. Two such arrangements have been reached: one with Britain that lowers tariffs on British cars, steel and aluminium, and aerospace equipment; and one with Vietnam. The agreement with Vietnam imposes a 20% tariff on all imports from the country and a 40% tariff on any 'transshipping'. Vietnam was scheduled to face a 46% tariff. Representatives from Japan, the European Union, Malaysia, South Korea, Indonesia and other governments have also been cycling through Washington in recent weeks to try to find an arrangement that would avert higher tariffs. Who or what else is facing tariffs? China: Trump's trade war has been no more apparent than in America's relations with China. The world's two largest economies began to ratchet up import taxes on each other earlier this year, then reached a handshake agreement in June to remove some of the harmful economic measures they had used to target each other. While details of the truce were not released, the deal called for China to relax restrictions on rare earth metals, critical minerals that are needed for manufacturing cars, robots, wind turbines, jet fighters and other technologies. In return, the US agreed to pull back the limits it had placed on exported products and technology, including ethane and airplane parts, as well as proposed visa restrictions. While Trump hailed the agreement as progress, it appeared to return the countries to a status quo from several months earlier, before he began singling out China. Foreign steel and aluminium: In June, tariffs on foreign steel and aluminium doubled to 50%, in a move that Trump said in an executive order would 'counter foreign countries' as they 'undercut the competitiveness' of American industries. But the higher tariff rate is likely to raise costs for American businesses that rely on the metals — such as automakers, plane manufacturers homebuilders and oil drillers — and could make some consumer goods, like canned food, more expensive. Cars and car parts: All cars assembled outside the US and all imported auto parts are subject to a 25% duty. Trump has said the policy will spur investments and jobs in the US, but analysts say it could raise new car prices by thousands of dollars and add to the cost of auto repairs. De minimis: In May, Trump ordered the closure of the de minimis rule, a shipping loophole that allowed retailers to send clothes and other goods from China directly to American shoppers without paying tariffs. The rule allowed products up to US$800 to avoid levies and other red tape as long as they were shipped directly to US consumers or small businesses. It resulted in the rapid growth of e-commerce platforms like Shein and Temu, but made it difficult for US manufacturers to compete with the surge of low-cost Chinese products. Other tariff threats: The President has issued a broad range of other tariff threats in recent months, including new duties on semiconductors and pharmaceutical products. Trump has also targeted the film industry, saying he would put a 100% tariff on movies made outside the US, and warned Apple that it could face a 25% duty on iPhones made in other countries. Trump has taken aim at so-called BRIC nations, which include Brazil, Russia, India, and China. He recently threatened on social media to impose an additional 10% tariff on 'Any Country aligning themselves with the Anti-American policies of BRICS.' He has also singled out the EU, which he has said was formed to 'screw' the US. The bloc faces a tariff of 50% if it cannot reach an agreement with the Trump Administration. Why is Trump using tariffs? Trump's point of view appears to be that any trade deficit — when the value of goods the US imports from a country is more than what it exports to that country — is bad. He has long described bilateral trade deficits as examples of America's being 'ripped off' or 'subsidising' other countries. The President and his advisers say their goal is to make the tariffs so painful that they force companies to make their products in the US. They argue that this will create more American jobs and push up wages. But Trump has also described tariffs as an all-purpose tool to extract concessions from other countries. The President also maintains that tariffs will rake in huge sums of revenue that the government can use to pay for domestic tax cuts. Economists say tariffs cannot simultaneously achieve all of the goals that Trump has set. In fact, many of his aims contradict one another. The same tariffs that are supposed to increase US manufacturing are also making life painful for US manufacturers, by disrupting their supply chains and raising the cost of their raw materials. 'All of these tariffs are internally inconsistent with each other,' said Chad Bown, a senior fellow at the Peterson Institute for International Economics, a Washington think-tank. 'So what is the real priority? Because you can't have all those things happen at once.' Who pays for tariffs, and where does the money go? A tariff is essentially a government surcharge on products imported from other countries. Tariffs are paid by the companies that import the goods. The revenue from US tariffs is paid by US importers to the US Treasury Department. For example, if Walmart imports a US$100 shoe from Myanmar — which now faces a 40% tariff — Walmart will owe US$40 in tariffs to the US government. What happens next? 1 Walmart could try to force the cost onto the Myanmar-based shoe manufacturer, by telling it that Walmart will pay less for the product. 2 Walmart could cut into its own profit margins and absorb the cost of the tariff. 3 Walmart could raise the price of the shoes at its stores. 4 Or some combination of the above. In May, Walmart's chief executive cautioned that tariffs would push the company to start raising prices soon, and it refrained from projecting profits for its current quarter. Trump, in turn, scolded the retailer on social media, telling it to 'EAT THE TARIFFS' and keep prices down. How have companies responded? One way to understand how companies are reacting to the tariffs is to think about Christmas. The production of toys, Christmas trees and decorations is usually in full swing by now. It takes four to five months to manufacture, package and ship products to the US. And factories in China produce nearly 80% of all toys and 90% of Christmas goods sold in America. Toy makers, children's shops, and specialty retailers have begun pausing orders for the winter holidays as the import taxes have cascaded through supply chains. Mattel, the US toy company and maker of Barbies, said it would raise prices on US toys because of Trump's tariffs on imports from China. How could tariffs affect consumer prices? Tariffs are widely considered by economists to be a catalyst for price increases. A company may be unable to absorb the cost of tariffs or force it onto overseas manufacturers or suppliers and may lay that cost at the feet of its customers. But price increases have yet to show up in a significant way in broad measures of inflation like the consumer price index. How could that be? For one, rising inflation is a matter of when, not if, economists say, and we may start to see prices increase later this northern summer. And if products haven't got more expensive yet, it's partly because businesses stocked up on goods before levies were imposed, allowing them to hold off on raising prices until those stockpiles run out. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. ©2025 THE NEW YORK TIMES


Scoop
10-07-2025
- Scoop
Public Debt, Japan, And Wilful Blindness
I just heard on Radio New Zealand a claim by a British commentator, Hugo Gye (Political Editor of The i Paper), that the United Kingdom (among other countries) has a major public debt crisis, and that if nothing is done about it (such as what Rachel Reeves – Chancellor of the Exchequer – is wanting to do), then in 2070 the public debt to GDP ratio would reach an 'extreme' level of 270% of GDP (gross domestic product). He added for good measure that no country in the world has public debt at a level anything like that. (Refer UK: Macron meets the King, RNZ, 10 July 2025.) So I checked the International Monetary Fund, World Economic Outlook Database, April 2025, and found the following about Japan, the world's fourth-largest national economy, looking at years from 2010 to 2024, with respect to government gross debt and general government financial deficit: minimum debt 206% (in 2010) maximum debt 258% (in 2020) average debt 234% current debt 237% (in 2024) projected debt 232% (in 2030) minimum deficit 2.3% (in 2023) maximum deficit 9.1% (in 2010) average deficit 5.3% current deficit 2.5% (in 2024) projected deficit 5.3% (in 2030) Advertisement - scroll to continue reading Japan does not have a 'cost of living crisis'. Below is a list of Japan's interest (source: and inflation rates (again the reference period is 2010 to 2024): Japan is a prosperous country, with high life expectancy (85, the highest in the world for large economy nations), a very high ratio of retired people to working-age people, low inflation, and low interest rates. It was able to host the Olympic Games in 2021 without any financial fuss, and is about to host World Expo 2025. It has some of the world's most sophisticated infrastructure. Despite its high government debt – actually, to a large extent because of its high government debt – Japan's is a creditor economy. Japan is not in debt to the rest of the world. Japan's national debt is non-existent. Japan's government debt is widely acknowledged, however, to be the world's highest. Too many commentators – using wilful laziness – conflate national debt with government debt. Japan's is the world's most successful twenty-first century large economy. It operates by Japanese savers lending much of their savings to their government at very low interest rates; those savers prefer to lend to their government rather than to pay high taxes to their government. Prosperous Japanese people are not greedy in the way that many rich westerners are. Their mantra is 'private wealth, public wealth'; not 'private wealth, public poverty'. Japan's is not a zero-sum economy; in a zero-sum economy the prosperity of some comes at the expense of the impoverishment of others. Hugo Jye was negligently dishonest – a case of wilful blindness or ignorance – in claiming that no countries had anything like 270% of GDP government debt. Western economists and financial commentators are likewise wilfully negligent in failing to alert their countries' governments that there is an alternative – in plain sight – to our woeful policies of financial suffocation. Note about three other economies Within the European Union, it is rare for professional commentators to sing the praises of Spain and Italy. Spain, with 101% public debt, is enjoying a low inflation economic boom. It has a life expectancy of 83, higher than all European Union countries other than Malta and Luxembourg. Spain has had only government budget deficits since the surpluses of the years leading up to the 2008 Global Financial Crisis (a crisis which hit Spain particularly badly). Despite – no, because of – these accumulated deficits, Spain's public debt (as a percent of GDP) has been falling since 2020; the deficits stimulated GDP. Spain had one year of high inflation (8.3% in 2022; the next highest since 2020 were 3.05% in 2011 and 3.0% in 2021); it recovered very quickly from that one year. Spain's current interest rate is 2.15%. Italy had 135% government debt to GDP in 2024. Its people's life expectancy is high, marginally lower than Spain's and slightly higher than New Zealand's; significantly higher than Germany, Netherlands and the United States. Italy's economy has been growing faster than the European Union average. Its public debt (compared to GDP) has been falling despite government deficits. Spain and Italy are doing relatively well despite having among the highest older-person to younger-person age ratios in Europe. Spain is pro-actively utilising immigrant labour, whereas Northern Europe is scapegoating immigrants. And Spain, unlike most of Europe, is not looking to its 'Defence' budget to boost future growth. Türkiye's public debt has fallen from a high (since 2006) of 40% in 2021 to under 30% in 2023. This is despite double-digit inflation since 2016 and an average budget deficit since 2011 of 5.3%. While high inflation has benefitted Türkiye by bringing about negative real interest rates (meaning interest payments effectively flow from richer to poorer, generally benefitting indebted Turkish businesses and households), current interest rate settings look like suffocating for Türkiye for the remainder of the 2020s. (This monetary policy of suffocation is also true for Australia in 2025, with its particularly hawkish Reserve Bank at present.) Despite challenging geopolitical and climatic circumstances, Türkiye has, at least until 2024, managed to achieve rising living standards for a substantial majority of its people. Unlike the United Kingdom and some northern European countries, Türkiye has not been a crisis economy despite (or because of) a reputation for unsound public finance. ------------- Keith Rankin (keith at rankin dot nz), trained as an economic historian, is a retired lecturer in Economics and Statistics. He lives in Auckland, New Zealand. Keith Rankin Political Economist, Scoop Columnist Keith Rankin taught economics at Unitec in Mt Albert since 1999. An economic historian by training, his research has included an analysis of labour supply in the Great Depression of the 1930s, and has included estimates of New Zealand's GNP going back to the 1850s. Keith believes that many of the economic issues that beguile us cannot be understood by relying on the orthodox interpretations of our social science disciplines. Keith favours a critical approach that emphasises new perspectives rather than simply opposing those practices and policies that we don't like. Keith retired in 2020 and lives with his family in Glen Eden, Auckland.