Bougainville pins hopes on Melanesian Agreement for independence
Photo:
Autonomous Bougainville Government
Bougainville and Papua New Guinea have concluded many months of talks on the autonomous province's quest for independence.
Most recently, the parties met for ten days at the New Zealand army camp at Burnham -
a place dubbed the spiritual home
of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, after it featured 28 years ago in the talks that ended the civil war.
But there appeared to be few achievements the parties could point to, and there has been little communication from either government with the public.
The Minister for the Implementation of the Independence Referendum, Ezekiel Masatt, managed to shed a different light on the matter in this discussion with RNZ Pacific.
(This transcript has been edited for brevity and clarity.)
Don Wiseman: There have been lots of meetings and lots of talks going back, you could say going back 28 years, but since this referendum process began, we've had nearly six years of talks, off and on, and Bougainville hasn't got much to show for it, has it?
Ezekiel Masatt:
In terms of what?
DW: Progress has not been great.
EM:
Is Bougainville to blame for it?
DW: I don't know. What's going on. Why? Why is no progress being made?
EM:
Progress, specifically in terms of what?
DW: In terms of getting close to the tabling of the referendum, the process of getting toward independence by the first of September 2027, which is what the government has said it aims to do.
EM:
The Bougainville Government,
DW: Yes, yes. The Bougainville government said that.
EM:
Okay. Well, let me, let me put on record the first of September date. While everybody is warming to it, that date was recommended by the Bougainville Leaders Consultative Forum, and it's a recommendation.
At the moment, we going through the process of the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, who are debating the independence constitution. That starts today, coincidentally, so today and tomorrow is committed to the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, and once they've concluded their debate on the Constitution, then we'll see what happens.
Now, let me make it absolutely clear, Don, that whilst we have embarked on various pathways to independence, I've always made it absolutely clear that our preferred option is to get independence through consensus, and that's through the BPA, [Bougainville Peace Agreement]. We know the history of what has transpired after the conduct of the referendum. There's been a series of consultations.
Ezekiel Masatt
Photo:
PINA
There's been a breach, like I said years ago, that Papua New Guinea lives in a daily breach because there had been an agreement on ratification being a couple of years ago, that hasn't transpired. Now, despite all the hiccups, I think there's a new leash of life with the Melanesian Relationship Agreement.
The Melanesian Relationship Agreement, one, allows the two governments to look at what sort of sovereign powers Bougainville can exercise in the interim. It also calls for the immediate consultation between the two Houses, the speakers and the clerk, in terms of the sessional order.
And more importantly, it has called for the immediate activation of the Bipartisan Committee, and it's now been agreed that once the report of the Bipartisan Committee goes into the House, the National Parliament, then the referendum result and the consultative outcomes will also go in.
We had a commitment from the chairman of the Bipartisan Committee, Dr Marat, in New Zealand, that they would commence work quickly. And I've been advised that as early as this weekend, the Bipartisan was supposed to meet in Rabaul in one of the first engagements to me, there's no delay on our part.
There's no delay on our part. It's a process, and therefore, there's been some delays. We're confident in where we're going.
The Autonomous Bougainville Government President Ishmael Toroama, left, and PNG Prime Minister James Marape signed the Melanesian Agreement on Thursday. 26 June 2025.
Photo:
Autonomous Bougainville Government
DW: Under the Melanesian Agreement, some sovereign powers being handed down earlier. What are we talking about?
EM:
We haven't worked on the specifics, but my view is that, and the government's view is that, we won't be able to assume all the sovereign powers. Therefore, priority must be given to some economic sovereign powers where we can make some decisive economic decisions. I think that's the start.
But despite the elections going on, I am hopeful that the technical teams can continue to meet to craft out some clear agenda in terms of which sovereign powers we can assume in the interim.
DW: Okay, so you're quite confident that Port Moresby is fully supportive of the process, or do you think they're delaying the process?
EM:
Put it this way, does the National Government procrastinate, and they have a history, historical record of procrastinating, whether it's justified or not.
We have other options that are open to us. We had this discussion before that the other option to get independence is through the working of the independent constitution, and I have in the original motion setting up the constituent assembly, I was very clear in reaching out to the National Government by making the motion for the adoption of the Constitution and any other resolution to be subject to the consultative outcome and the moderation talk.
Now, having reconsidered that the possibility is there of a National Government strategy to procrastinate and to delay, I have since amended that motion - the House has amended that motion yesterday, stating clearly that the resolutions by the Constituent Assembly will no longer be in principle.
If the Constituent Assembly goes ahead and adopts the Constitution, then it is within its legal right to set the date for independence.
Photo:
Supplied
DW: So the Constituent Assembly is now the premier political body?
EM:
No, it's not the premier political body. It's the body that specifically deals with the amendment, rejection or adoption of the Constitution. And once it's done that, its activities come to an end.
DW:
We talked about the first of September 2027 and that's a maybe then. But when do you think Bougainville might be independent? How far away is it, this independence?
EM:
We have the recommended date. Everybody's warming to that date. The question of independence readiness, that's being addressed throughout the constituencies in Bougainville.
The Autonomous Bougainville Government is working through the issues in terms of all the other economic big projects, so that we're in a position where we can sustain the economy and move forward.
DW: In terms of the economy, you've still got a lot of work to do to have any degree of economic viability, don't you?
EM:
That's a justifiable argument. I have made it absolutely clear that the work on the economy of Bougainville must now also take some precedence.
My argument is that to make the economy subject to political independence is something that I wouldn't agree to. We must obtain political independence in order to have some sovereign powers in order to make strategic economic decisions.
Now, given the Melanesian Agreement where Bougainville can assume some sovereign powers, I think that's a great start in the right direction, and therefore I look forward to continued engagement by the technical officials and we can address some of these economic issues now.
Having said that, it's not like we're sitting around doing nothing in Bougainville,. There are very major economic initiatives that have been taken on by the government. Another issue is, as you know, there's been the transfer of the BCL [Bougainville Copper Ltd] shares. That's an issue on its own. I'm not going to dive into that issue. And I think even on the economic issues, I have very much left it to the economic ministers to come in.
But overall, to demand that Bougainville should meet some economic threshold or be economically independent before political independence, is a foolish argument.
Australia never demanded that Papua New Guinea be economically independent. When Papua New Guinea got its independence, it had nothing except the Panguna Mine to deal with.
I don't know why everybody's imposing on that economy. Whilst it's a genuine call, I think it's an internal matter for Bougainville to work on its economy. We're not shying away from that responsibility.
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, RNZ Pacific Senior Journalist Bougainville and Papua New Guinea have concluded many months of talks on the autonomous province's quest for independence. Most recently, the parties met for ten days at the New Zealand army camp at Burnham - a place dubbed the spiritual home of the Bougainville Peace Agreement, after it featured 28 years ago in the talks that ended the civil war. But there appeared to be few achievements the parties could point to, and there has been little communication from either government with the public. The Minister for the Implementation of the Independence Referendum, Ezekiel Masatt, managed to shed a different light on the matter in this discussion with RNZ Pacific. (This transcript has been edited for brevity and clarity.) 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At the moment, we going through the process of the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, who are debating the independence constitution. That starts today, coincidentally, so today and tomorrow is committed to the Bougainville Constituent Assembly, and once they've concluded their debate on the Constitution, then we'll see what happens. Now, let me make it absolutely clear, Don, that whilst we have embarked on various pathways to independence, I've always made it absolutely clear that our preferred option is to get independence through consensus, and that's through the BPA, [Bougainville Peace Agreement]. We know the history of what has transpired after the conduct of the referendum. There's been a series of consultations. There's been a breach, like I said years ago, that Papua New Guinea lives in a daily breach because there had been an agreement on ratification being a couple of years ago, that hasn't transpired. Now, despite all the hiccups, I think there's a new leash of life with the Melanesian Relationship Agreement. The Melanesian Relationship Agreement, one, allows the two governments to look at what sort of sovereign powers Bougainville can exercise in the interim. It also calls for the immediate consultation between the two Houses, the speakers and the clerk, in terms of the sessional order. And more importantly, it has called for the immediate activation of the Bipartisan Committee, and it's now been agreed that once the report of the Bipartisan Committee goes into the House, the National Parliament, then the referendum result and the consultative outcomes will also go in. We had a commitment from the chairman of the Bipartisan Committee, Dr Marat, in New Zealand, that they would commence work quickly. And I've been advised that as early as this weekend, the Bipartisan was supposed to meet in Rabaul in one of the first engagements to me, there's no delay on our part. 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If the Constituent Assembly goes ahead and adopts the Constitution, then it is within its legal right to set the date for independence. DW: So the Constituent Assembly is now the premier political body? EM: No, it's not the premier political body. It's the body that specifically deals with the amendment, rejection or adoption of the Constitution. And once it's done that, its activities come to an end. DW: We talked about the first of September 2027 and that's a maybe then. But when do you think Bougainville might be independent? How far away is it, this independence? EM: We have the recommended date. Everybody's warming to that date. The question of independence readiness, that's being addressed throughout the constituencies in Bougainville. The Autonomous Bougainville Government is working through the issues in terms of all the other economic big projects, so that we're in a position where we can sustain the economy and move forward. 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Another issue is, as you know, there's been the transfer of the BCL [Bougainville Copper Ltd] shares. That's an issue on its own. I'm not going to dive into that issue. And I think even on the economic issues, I have very much left it to the economic ministers to come in. But overall, to demand that Bougainville should meet some economic threshold or be economically independent before political independence, is a foolish argument. Australia never demanded that Papua New Guinea be economically independent. When Papua New Guinea got its independence, it had nothing except the Panguna Mine to deal with. I don't know why everybody's imposing on that economy. Whilst it's a genuine call, I think it's an internal matter for Bougainville to work on its economy. We're not shying away from that responsibility.
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