
Sensible or underwhelming? Economists react to Godongwana's Budget 3.0
It was indeed third time lucky for Minister of Finance Enoch Godongwana when he delivered Budget 3.0 in parliament on Wednesday afternoon with the blessing of all the parties in the government of national unity.
Frank Blackmore, lead economist at KPMG, says probably the most impressive thing about Budget 3.0 was that we now have a budget at all, although the contents were a bit underwhelming.
'There were many questions about what we are going to do with the R75 billion deficit over the medium-term period with no VAT increase. That was answered by this budget in the form of:
some increases in the fuel levy of 15-16 cents per litre;
an increase in borrowing with debt going up to 77.4% of gross domestic product (GDP), 1.2% more than in Budget 2.0;
no expansion of the zero-rated food basket;
reduced expenditure over the Medium Term Expenditure Framework (MTEF) period;
the budgets of frontline services such as health and education growing, but by less than the previous budgetary amounts;
some additional investment will go to Sars to switch those assets in order to collect more revenue.
ALSO READ: Budget 3.0: not austerity budget, but a redistributive budget
Not much thought about issues confronting SA
Blackmore says it seemed that the budget was focused on these points without dealing with the issues confronting South Africa at this point. 'There were reductions in a lot of areas that were obviously necessary due to lower revenues, except for the public sector wage bill and debt deficit which are increasing.'
He says the negatives in Budget 3.0 are:
the increased debt and deficit taking more resources away from frontline services and economic growth initiatives, such as the social wage
the reduction in the growth of non-interest expenditure
no real increase in spending to grow the economy
a mention that new tax proposals will come in for 2026 to cover an additional R20 billion gap for the full cost for that period.
He did not find much on the positive side but says the public private partnerships and continuing structural reforms, as well as Operation Vulindlela Phase 2 are positive, but are nowhere near large enough to make a meaningful difference at this point to the growth outlook.
ALSO READ: Godongwana cuts government spending to offset VAT shortfall
Budget 3.0 a more realistic picture of SA's macroeconomic outlook
Jee-A van der Linde, senior economist at Oxford Economics Africa, says Treasury's downwardly revised GDP growth projections and higher debt-to-GDP ratios paint a more realistic picture of South Africa's macroeconomic outlook.
He says it is a positive takeaway that gross loan debt projections have not increased since March and Treasury still expects debt levels to stabilise, although at a higher level. Gross loan debt is expected to increase from R5.69 trillion in 2024/25 to R6.82 trillion in 2027/28.
'Meanwhile, debt-service cost projections were lowered by R1.8 billion over the MTEF period compared to the March 2025 Budget. South Africa's debt service costs remain alarmingly high at R1.3 trillion over the MTEF and we expect it to continue rising rapidly over the forecast period.
'South Africa's deteriorating debt-to-GDP ratio remains a concern and we continue to maintain that gross government debt will reach 80% of GDP in the near term. The sustainability of South Africa's fiscal outlook hinges on economic growth accelerating in the near term, as fiscal consolidation will prove challenging amid elevated spending pressures.'
Was it third time lucky for Godongwana? Van der Linde says Budget 3.0 is more sensible and depicts a stark picture of South Africa's finances. 'Markets will welcome Treasury's commitment to fiscal consolidation.
'While not of its own making, Treasury's credibility has been unduly dented as a result of the budget wrangling. Political parties have been climbing over each other trying to claim credit for Treasury reversing course on the tax proposals that scuppered the first and second budget attempts.'
ALSO READ: Budget 3.0: Opposition parties clash over impact on poor
Very high execution risk
Patrick Buthelezi, economist at Sanlam Investments, says the execution risk for the budget remains very high as many spending pressures require funding, such as closing the gap created by a freeze on PEPFAR support, political party funding leading up to the local government elections and national social dialogue.
'Given the projected economic growth outlook, the pressure on the fiscus can be expected to continue. The finance minister hinted that revenue-raising measures might be introduced in the 2026 budget. The GNU needs to reach consensus on viable revenue-raising proposals, including expenditure cuts.'
Tertia Jacobs, treasury economist and fixed income specialist at Investec, says for her a key takeaway is that the GNU and Treasury continue to stick to fiscal consolidation.
'Any new increases in spending must be financed by higher tax increases and the new spending increases are allocated between infrastructure and frontline services as well as Sars getting a bit more money because they will become more important in widening the tax base in coming years.
'All in all, the budget is probably as good as we can get in the context of sluggish growth, but these are indications that the GNU and the ANC are willing to work together.
ALSO READ: Budget 3.0: Alcohol and cigarette prices will increase — here's by how much
Commitment to stabilising government debt
Dr Elna Moolman, head of South Africa macroeconomic research at the Standard Bank Group, says in line with their long-standing expectation, all three budgets this year remained committed to stabilising government's debt-GDP ratio.
'The negative revenue impact of backtracking on the VAT increases as well as the weaker economic growth trajectory is counteracted, as we expected, by a combination of revenue and spending adjustments.
'The confirmation of government's commitment to fiscal consolidation, with the debt-GDP ratio peaking this year and bond issuance kept unchanged, should provide some reassurance to financial markets, as we expected.
'The macroeconomic policy reviews and fiscal reforms, alongside ongoing traction with Operation Vulindlela's growth-supportive reforms, also underpin likely fiscal and growth improvements in the medium term.
'However, entrenched investor concerns about adverse fiscal and growth risks will not be negated and notwithstanding the imminent peak in the debt-GDP ratio and unchanged nominal debt trajectory, investors will emphasise yet another increase in the debt-GDP trajectory that will limit the potential positive financial market impact from any positive fiscal developments.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

IOL News
an hour ago
- IOL News
Government pensions administrator rebuffs allegations of financial mismanagement
The GPAA is a government component which reports to the Minister of Finance and administers funds and schemes on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF), the largest pension fund in Africa. Image: Sipplied The Government Pensions Administration Agency (GPAA) has responded to recent concerns surrounding a document that has raised eyebrows within the public domain. A week ago, the Public Service and Commercial Union of South Africa (PSCU) raised alarm over alleged financial mismanagement of pension funds amounting to more than R500 million at the GPAA. According to a preliminary internal audit report for the 2024/25 financial year, compiled by Abacwaningi Business Solution (ABS) Audit & Advisory Services, there are a number of key governance concerns at the GPAA, which the auditors have brought to the attention of management to ensure sound governance. The GPAA is a government component which reports to the Minister of Finance and administers funds and schemes on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF), the largest pension fund in Africa. It thus administers the pension affairs of approximately 1.7 million government employees and pensioners, as well as the affairs of their spouses and dependants. The report found an apparent discrepancy between the reported R15.3 million irregular expenditure and the R30.8m logged in the internal register. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ Ad loading There was also an innocuous purchase order of R67m, which ballooned into a staggering R495m lease liability, allegedly signed post-audit on 23 May 2025 but backdated to commence on 31 July 2024. The report also raised serious concerns regarding R11.9m in prepayments, an additional R6.8m for undelivered uniforms, and a R12m NPS system devoid of deployment evidence. The PSCU has now demanded evidence of Supply Chain Management compliance and the National Treasury approval over all these allegations, and requests all pertinent contracts, invoices, and approvals regarding multiple contracts, alongside confirmation of any forensic investigations initiated as per the audit recommendations. It wrote a letter to the GPAA CEO, Kedibone Madiehe, a fortnight ago requesting clarification and remedial measures in response to the report. However, the GPAA said no such letter has been received by the GPAA's CEO, or her office. The GPAA told Business Report this week that the document in question was merely a preliminary internal audit report still in progress and was illegally obtained, shared, and published, further complicating the discourse surrounding its contents and validity. GPAA spokesperson, Mack Lewele also said the annual financial statements will be released as part of the Annual Report as soon as they are finalised and approved for publishing. 'It is a preliminary internal audit report that we are working on as per normal audit process (Annual Financial Statement). The document was illegally obtained, shared and published. It is an internal, classified working document that is neither complete nor signed off for distribution,' Lewele said. 'A full picture will emerge when the audit process is complete and signed off and at that point we will be in a position to comment on these matters or answer any question. 'The fact that it was illegally accessed and shared makes it impossible for us to comment on it, particularly the incompleteness thereof. We will invoke the relevant procedures to deal with the illegal distribution of the document.'


The South African
5 hours ago
- The South African
Deal or no deal: What happens with Donald Trump's July tariff deadline?
A week before US President Donald Trump reimposes steep tariffs on dozens of economies, including the EU and Japan, many are still scrambling to reach a deal that would protect them from the worst. The tariffs taking effect July 9 are part of a package Trump imposed in April citing a lack of 'reciprocity' in trading ties. He slapped a 10 percent levy on most partners, with higher customised rates to kick in later in countries the United States has major trade deficits with. But these were halted until July to allow room for negotiations. Analysts expect countries will encounter one of three outcomes: They could reach a framework for an agreement; receive an extended pause on higher tariffs; or see levies surge. 'There will be a group of deals that we will land before July 9,' said Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent last Friday on CNBC. Policymakers have not named countries in this group, although Bessent maintains that Washington has been focused on striking deals with about 18 key partners. 'Vietnam, India and Taiwan remain promising candidates for a deal,' Asia Society Policy Institute (ASPI) vice president Wendy Cutler told AFP. Without a deal, Vietnam's 'reciprocal tariff' rises from the baseline of 10 percent to 46 percent, India's to 26 percent and Taiwan's to 32 percent. Josh Lipsky, international economics chair at the Atlantic Council, cited Indian negotiators' extension of their US trip recently in noting that it 'seems like a frontrunner.' 'Japan was in that category, but things have set back a little,' Lipsky said, referring to Donald Trump's criticism on Monday over what the president called Japan's reluctance to accept US rice exports. The deals, however, will unlikely be full-fledged trade pacts, analysts said, citing complexities in negotiating such agreements. Since April, Washington has only announced a pact with Britain and a deal to temporarily lower tit-for-tat duties with China. Bessent has also said that countries 'negotiating in good faith' can have their tariffs remain at the 10 percent baseline. But extensions of the pause on higher rates would depend on Trump, he added. 'With a new government, (South) Korea looks well positioned to secure an extension,' Cutler of ASPI said. Lipsky expects many countries to fall into this bucket, receiving an extended halt on higher tariffs that could last until Labor Day, which falls on September 1. Bessent earlier said that Washington could wrap up its agenda for trade deals by Labor Day, a signal that more agreements could be concluded but with talks likely to extend past July. For countries that the United States finds 'recalcitrant,' however, tariffs could spring back to the higher levels Trump previously announced, Bessent has warned. These range from 11 percent to 50 percent. Cutler warned that 'Japan's refusal to open its rice market, coupled with the US resistance to lowering automotive tariffs, may lead to the reimposition of Japan's 24 percent reciprocal tariff.' Trump himself said on Tuesday that a trade deal was unlikely with Japan and the country could pay a tariff of '30 percent, 35 percent, or whatever the number is that we determine.' Lipsky believes the European Union is at risk of having tariffs snap back to steeper levels too – to the 20 percent unveiled in April or the 50 percent Trump more recently threatened. An area of tension could be Europe's approach to digital regulation. Donald Trump recently said he would terminate trade talks with Canada – which is not impacted by the July 9 deadline – in retaliation for the country's digital services tax, which Ottawa eventually said it would rescind. This week, EU trade chief Maros Sefcovic is in Washington in a push to seal a trade deal, with the EU commission having received early drafts of proposals that officials are working on. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 1 Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news. By Garrin Lambley © Agence France-Presse


Daily Maverick
16 hours ago
- Daily Maverick
South Africa's inflation target under review: Weighing risks and rewards for stability
Should South Africa lower its inflation target? Does inflation targeting work? And if so, what should the target be? After surviving yet another week of political turbulence and internecine bickering, South Africa's increasingly rickety coalition government might be about to face yet another thorny dilemma: the South African Reserve Bank's (SARB) push to lower the country's inflation target to below 3%, from the current band of 3-6%. Speaking on Monday, 30 June 2025, Reserve Bank Governor Lesetja Kganyago reiterated his argument for a lower inflation target, saying that the current rate undermined the value of the rand and contributed to persistent price increases. The SARB, along with the National Treasury, is 'almost done' completing a technical review of the inflation targeting framework and plans to submit recommendations to Kganyago and Finance Minister Enoch Godongwana shortly. 'Although an inflation rate of 4.5% may seem moderate, it still causes prices to double every 16 years,' Kganyago noted in the SARB's annual report. 'This is hard to reconcile with our constitutional obligation to safeguard the value of the currency. 'The main concern with South African inflation is not our ability to hit the target,' Kganyago said. 'Rather, it is that our target is high compared to other countries. For this reason, despite our success in stabilising inflation, the price level is almost 20% higher than it was in 2021.' The central bank currently aims to anchor inflation expectations at the midpoint of its 3-6% target, but this range is now under formal review. With May's inflation reading at 2.8%, Kganyago and his colleagues see an opportunity to lock in gains and update a framework that has remained unchanged since its introduction in 2000. 'Perfect opening for reform' David Fowkes, a member of the Monetary Policy Committee, recently called this moment 'amazing', suggesting that current low inflation levels provided the perfect opening for reform as they would minimise any potential transition costs, which might come in the form of momentarily higher interest rates. According to the bank's modelling, shifting to a 3% target would yield significant benefits, with inflation expectations declining quickly while 'borrowing costs would fall more significantly' compared with the SARB's baseline forecast. Behind the push is a clear driver: investor appetite. Global asset managers have been pressuring the government to support the SARB's plan in the hopes that a lower target would permanently reduce bond yields and lending rates. South African bonds and the rand have both strengthened recently, with South African borrowing costs at a three-year low, partly on expectations and hopes that the Treasury will approve the new target by early next year. According to insiders, hedge funds and portfolio managers are actively lobbying the Treasury, advising a cautious transition to manage market impact and the inevitable political fallout. And there is some merit in the proposal. South Africa's base interest rate keeps the prime lending rate near 11%, with 10-year bond yields around 10%. These rates are at least partly elevated because of the high upper bound of the inflation target. It is for this reason that other emerging economies, like Brazil, have already lowered their targets — from 4.5% to 3% — with a 1.5% tolerance range. It is clear that international investors would like to see an emerging market like South Africa fit into what they see as global monetary policy best practice. Yet despite these compelling arguments, there are three issues with changing it that the SARB is either missing or conveniently ignoring. First, it is politically toxic. Lowering the inflation target would be further ammunition for the ANC-led government to suppress wage growth in the public sector and restrain price hikes by state-owned enterprises and municipalities. Public sector unions, which of course dominate all critical wage negotiations, rely heavily on past inflation data and expectations — which are largely driven by the inflation target — to argue for increases. There have even been recent calls from the academic community on why South Africa should actually be looking at raising the target threshold, not lowering it. The factions of the ANC who are not aligned with the Treasury, which has consistently been viewed as 'neoliberal', will be spoiling for a fight. Second, moderate inflation is one of the few tools available for reducing public debt. For an emerging market with high debt-to-GDP like South Africa, a bit of inflation is critical to 'inflate away' liabilities. A lower target would negate this effect, making debt consolidation even harder and potentially putting more pressure on the Treasury to cut spending at a time when the economy needs all the stimulus it can get. This could, theoretically, have adverse consequences for growth. Importance overstated Finally, the long-term importance of the inflation target is overstated. While financial markets might care about the level of the target, its long-term effect on economic fundamentals is minimal. The actual target itself is essentially random. The first economists who devised inflation targeting in New Zealand in the 1980s knew this — it is essentially a pragmatic and political decision as to what you make the target, not an economic one. What matters more is whether inflation expectations are well anchored and consistent, and then of course whether wages rise in tandem with prices. On that latter point, South Africa has clearly fallen short. Wage growth, especially outside the public sector, has consistently lagged inflation since the global financial crisis. The gap widened sharply during the Zuma-era stagnation and the Covid-19 pandemic. Rising food and transport costs, load shedding-related expenses and record-high unemployment have meant that even with inflation near historic lows most South Africans feel worse off than ever. For this reason, the debate is a red herring. The SARB should quit listening to the demands of the investor community and rather stick to its job of keeping prices in line with expectations. If the economy was being properly managed by the government and creating private sector jobs — which would mean more people being paid a decent salary — then we would not be having this debate in the first place. DM