IFP stands firm on KwaZulu-Natal's controversial decision to place ANC-led municipality under administration
Image: Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs / Facebook
The IFP has vowed to defend the KwaZulu-Natal government's decision to place the struggling ANC-led Umkhanyakude District Municipality under administration despite the ANC's defiance.
In a media briefing on Monday afternoon, President Velenkosini Hlabisa dismissed ANC's assertion that the provincial government is targeting municipalities under its leadership for political reasons.
There was a drama last week when IFP's Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs MEC Reverend Thulasizwe Buthelezi was physically prevented from entering the premises of the municipality, in the north of the province, to formally introduce the appointed administrator, Bamba Ndwandwe.
Hlabisa stated that the government's decision remains firm and will not be influenced by political pressures.
'This is not a political intervention. This is a Cabinet decision. As long as municipalities are passing unfunded budgets, Section 139 will apply. You can go and check the financial audit outcome of that municipality. It is not good; therefore, it qualifies for an intervention of this kind,' said Hlabisa.
Premier Thamsanqa Ntuli, who was at the briefing, said there was a unanimous decision in the Cabinet with all MECs, including the three from the ANC; therefore, he did not understand why the leadership is challenging it.
He said Umkhanyakude was placed under administration alongside two IFP-led district municipalities, so the assertion by the ANC that it is targeting its municipalities was unfounded.
'We removed an ANC-led Mooi Mpofana Local Municipality from the administration in the same Cabinet meeting, so we do not understand why the ANC is complaining in Umkhanyakude,' said Ntuli.
He also announced that the municipality has taken the government to court for the matter.
In a statement last week, the ANC said it vehemently rejected the unwarranted and politically charged decision by MEC Buthelezi to invoke Section 139(1)(b) of the Constitution in the uMkhanyakude District Municipality.
It said the so-called intervention is nothing short of abuse of constitutional provisions for political gain, adding that it lacks merit, rationale, and integrity.
'The ANC is appalled by the continued misuse of Section 139(1)(b) by the MEC, who has turned what should be a last-resort mechanism into a political weapon, one that is selectively and cynically deployed against ANC-led municipalities, regardless of their performance.
'The uMkhanyakude District Municipality has made tangible progress in governance, financial recovery, and service delivery. There is no objective basis for this draconian step, which appears designed not to improve governance, but to score narrow political points and destabilise a functional administration,' read the statement.
The party said it stands with the Council of uMkhanyakude District Municipality in resisting the opportunistic, mischievous, and dangerous actions of a power-mongering MEC who is hell-bent on destabilising a functional municipality and undermining service delivery to communities.
It vowed to actively mobilise its supporters and communities to resist the advances of an MEC who the party described as having clearly defined himself outside of the Government of Provincial Unity (GPU).
There are fears that the continued souring of relations between these two major partners of the GPU may create instability in the province, which is known for its political complexities.
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Mail & Guardian
an hour ago
- Mail & Guardian
Tribute to Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a founder of Botswana, on his centennial birthday
As Botswana's first vice-president and finance minister (1966-80), Ketumile Masire helped rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world. File photo Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire was born on 23 July 1925 in Kanye, Beuchanaland (now Botswana). In commemorating his centennial birthday we pay tribute to one of the founders of Botswana and framers of its Constitution. He was the principal architect of its economic development as minister of finance and development planning. I recall at the end of March 1998, attending a farewell dinner for president Masire. The guest of honour was the former president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarange Nyerere. When it was time for the speeches Nyerere spoke eloquently about Sir Ketumile's leadership in developing Botswana. He praised him profusely for stepping down before senility set in and the guests dissolved in laughter. These two great presidents, paragons of astute and wise leadership in Africa, both left office voluntarily. Nyerere was first. Sometime in 1985, he woke up one bright sunny morning to the sound of birds singing and decided to retire. Not many presidents wake up that way. A year later the University of Zimbabwe awarded Nyerere an honorary doctorate, and the vice-chancellor, Professor Walter Kamba, said at the ceremony: 'In an age in which life presidencies are proliferating, whether by constitution or other means, it is only a man of courage, confidence, foresight, wisdom and humility, like our graduand, who can say it is now time for me to lay down the burdens and responsibilities of state and go into retirement and become part of the citizenry.' Twelve years later, that man was president Masire when he retired, cutting short his presidency by two years. Concluding his retirement speech to parliament he quoted Lord Tennyson: 'The old order changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils himself in many ways, Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.' He was steeped in English literature; Chaucer, Dickens, Austen, Tennyson and Shakespeare, among others. I recall him often gleefully reciting from Shakespeare's Macbeth: 'Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow Creeps in this petty pace from day to day To the last syllable of recorded time …' Masire was a wise, pious and humble man, with a marvellous sense of humour, whose leadership transformed Botswana and overflowed to Africa and the world. He was undoubtedly one of the greatest statesmen of our era. Richard Dowden, the distinguished British journalist writing on the death of Masire, described him as 'one of Africa's greatest leaders. Because he was a low-key figure and from a large but sparsely-populated country, he does not appear in the pantheon of great rulers. But he should.' Dowden further said: 'As president of Botswana for nearly two decades, the humble Masire was responsible for setting the country on a path to prosperity.' Masire's humility concealed his greatness. I am reminded of Yogesh Chadha's book, Rediscovering Gandhi. In it, Chadha writes that when Mahatma Gandhi was in London in 1931 to plead for India's independence, a small girl wanted to ask him for his autograph. She then drew back shyly and looked up at her mother and asked: 'Mummy, is he really great?' Like Gandhi, the unassuming greatness of Masire was the gift of the common touch that made him at one with ordinary people. It was reflected in his love for Batswana — and humanity in general — a surpassing compassion and commitment to improving the welfare of others. He did so by being a skillful communicator. Experts of the Setswana language attest that his command of the language and idioms was incomparable. He marshalled the Setswana language wonderfully and spellbound his audience. He was brilliant. In 1944, he was one of the first students to earn a bursary to attend Tiger Kloof Secondary School. He became a teacher and the first headmaster of Kanye Secondary School — now Seepapitso Senior Secondary School — from 1950 to 1955. Though he put himself wholeheartedly into everything he did it was farming that was the love of his heart. In 1957, he was the first Motswana to be awarded a Master Farmer's Certificate. His other interest was journalism and became the editor of Naledi ya Batswana newspaper. It was as a journalist he later met Seretse Khama. The year 1958 was a significant year. That was the year Masire married Gladys Olebile Molefi on 2 January. Born in Modimola near Mafikeng, after graduating from Tiger Kloof, she became a teacher at Mafikeng and later Kanye. A woman of substance, she was God fearing, kind, humble, compassionate and hardworking. Years later as first lady she was a gracious Mother of the Nation. She was Masire's pillar, always caring and supportive of him. Lady Masire dedicated herself to several charities that focused on the plight of disadvantaged and marginalised children, unemployed and delinquent youth and women's empowerment. They were a splendid couple and their marriage was blessed with six children. In August 1960, Sir John Maud, the high commissioner on a familiarisation visit of Beuchanaland, was at the Serowe kgotla. Masire, as a photo-journalist, covered the event for his paper. He took Seretse's picture in the kgotla and then cheekily walked up to him to ask his permission after the fact. Seretse was immensely amused by this cheekiness and a lifelong friendship was born. It was in 1961 that Masire literally stumbled into politics. He was in Lobatse to cover a public meeting of the newly formed Bechuanaland People's Party (BPP). Masire, who had an interest in public affairs, was curious about the new political party. At the end of the meeting he was not impressed and thought: 'If these are the kinds of people who are going to lead our country, we are in trouble.' Towards the end of 1961, Seretse Khama, who shared the same sentiments, proposed the formation of a new party, the Bechuanaland Democratic Party (BDP). Masire resolved that if he could be of any use to the nation, then he needed to participate in politics. Masire knew Seretse as a democrat through and through who believed strongly that the nation resides in the people, and not in any individual. The two worked well together. It was a complementary partnership that flourished on Seretse's vision and charisma and Masire's energy, analytical brilliance and organisational ability. They were candid and honest with each other, and both had a lively sense of humour. They were born leaders. Both believed in the need to move people from thinking about their tribes as their separate communities to thinking about the whole nation as their community. Both believed that in any society they needed to be a balance between the interests of individuals and those of the larger community. Both believed that individuals should be given the freedom to come up with the best they were capable of. The cardinal principle on which the Botswana Democratic Party was founded was a non-negotiable article of faith that the founders and other leaders subscribed to: 'The party only matters to the extent that it can meet the needs of the nation; otherwise there is no need for it. If it ceases to meet the needs of the country, then it should cease to exist.' This is ageless wisdom applicable to all political parties in the world. In adherence to this article of faith Seretse and Masire crafted a short document in 1962 that outlined in broad-brush terms, the direction which the party would take. The document on 'Aims and Objectives' became the 'Four National Principles'. It highlighted what mattered, namely, to establish a nation that exemplified non-racialism, one united nation, fundamental human rights, a reformed and democratic local government which were then all missing in Bechuanaland. The 'Four National Principles' gave clarity as to what Botswana wanted, and from observing other countries, what to avoid. In his memoirs Masire wrote that the BDP was built by trial and error. 'No one came with a dogma to be followed. We shared stories, and we learned from each other and from the people we consulted. The party grew organically, and it was very encouraging to see it happen. This was the fundamental difference between us as a party and the People's Party and its subsequent mutations. They fed their followers with slogans and dogmas picked up from elsewhere. They thought they could just tell people any cock-and-bull story, and the people would accept it. 'Our experience was that ordinary people wanted to be given reasons. We did our best to show them why we were thinking and acting the way we were. As we prepared for moving to self-rule and then independence, our biggest fear was that we would lack unity, and that each tribe might think of itself as a separate entity. We feared if we went the way of some other states we would be in for serious trouble. This is why we laid emphasis on finding all the things that would unite us, and trying to avoid all the things that would divide us. 'Our Four Principles — democracy, development, unity and self-reliance — addressed the things that really worried us during the formative years before independence. We knew we needed both to adhere to our principles, and to fight against anything that would threaten them.' This was the vision that ushered in Botswana's independence on 30 September 1966. At independence Botswana was among the poorest countries in the world and surrounded by racist minority regimes in South West Africa (Namibia), Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa. Economic experts gazing in their crystal balls saw Botswana doomed to poverty and surviving forever on international aid. Sir Seretse Khama and Sir Ketumile Masire would often remind their colleagues that when they asked for independence, they were told that they were 'either very brave, or very foolish'. Masire was to use this phrase as the title of his memoirs: Very Brave or Very Foolish? Memoirs of an African Democrat. The economic experts' advice was taken with a pinch of salt as Botswana proved them spectacularly wrong. As Botswana's first vice-president and minister of finance and development planning, Masire initiated various initiatives to rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world, which, in 1966, had an annual per-capita income of about $60. The initiatives included channelling foreign aid, loans and mining revenues into developing educational, health, power, transport, and communications infrastructure while encouraging small-scale services and industries and promoting commercial agriculture. The success of Masire's development portfolio earned him kudos domestically and internationally. In 1980 Botswana's first president, Sir Seretse Khama died. The nation mourned, grievously bereft of a great leader it had been fortunate to have at the time of its greatest need. Masire had lost both a great friend and political collaborator who was closer to him than anybody before or after. They were a good team. Their close cooperation on all aspects of politics and government for 20 years was an important factor in achieving Botswana's successes. In mourning, Masire graciously ascended to the presidency. His presidency commenced at a time the liberation fight against apartheid was intensifying and black South African liberation fighters of the ANC began to infiltrate South Africa by crossing the borders of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. South Africa, in retaliation, attacked these countries. Botswana found herself in a dilemma as she could not break links with South Africa for economic reasons so she banned the ANC military wing from operating in the country, but allowed young men and women to enter who were fleeing South Africa to become ANC freedom fighters. With the discovery of diamonds in Botswana the government was pragmatic in making a deal with the South African gold and diamond giant, De Beers. The deal provided the government with substantial revenues from diamonds, which were used for the benefit of the people in services such as education and health. During the HIV/Aids crisis the country funded its own programme at a huge expense while other African countries relied on international aid. The deal with De Beers gradually evolved because president Masire's cautious and tenacious style convinced De Beers to build a sorting house in Gaborone where the diamonds were graded before being sent to De Beers in London. He also demanded that Batswana be trained in sorting and evaluating diamonds. Masire transformed Botswana by anchoring her development in Tswana values. For example, the Tswana practice of consulting people was essential in progressing developmental policies. In 1991 he received an honorary knighthood of the Grand Cross of Saint Michael and Saint George from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. After 37 years in public life president Masire retired in 1998. In those years Botswana's circumstances had changed significantly from what the economic experts foresaw. From 1966 to 1998 Botswana achieved the world's highest annual economic growth rate of any country in the world. In the words of Masire, 'We built and sustained a multi-party democracy; the vast majority of our people enjoyed improved health, education, and increased incomes and employment opportunities; and we managed our way through a dangerous security situation created by our neighbours.' Transparency International rated Botswana as having one of the lowest levels of corruption in Africa, indeed lower than many European countries. Botswana had active and vocal opposition parties because C believed strongly that, 'In a democratic system, parties that are in opposition to the government of the day have an important role to play. If opposition parties are strong and full of ideas, they sharpen the wits of the governing party and keep it on its toes. If the opposition parties are weak or lacking in ideas about alternative policies, they weaken both the country and the ruling party.' Botswana also developed a vigorous and independent press. And Botswana achieved a reputation for principled positions and leadership in regional affairs, especially during the long struggle to liberate Southern Africa from colonialism and racist white minority regimes. Masire was one of the founders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). All this did not happen by chance; it was the result of prudent leadership which brought about Botswana's successes. This prudent leadership was succinctly summed up by the Motswana politician and diplomat Dr Gaositwe Chiepe, in one word: 'Teamwork.' Masire agreed that it summed up their approach very well. 'The times we were most successful were when we worked together, both as politicians and with civil servants. Our success could not have been achieved had we not found able people, convinced them to enter politics or the public service, and encouraged and enabled them to work productively with one another. Our failures came at those times when we lost the commitment to teamwork, consultation, consensus and cooperation.' After leaving office, Masire divided his time between his passion for farming and as a global statesman in conflict resolution. He often worked through his Sir Ketumile Masire Foundation. In 1998 he was appointed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to chair an International Panel of Eminent Personalities which investigated the circumstances of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. A 300-page report on the Rwanda genocide was produced which concluded that it was preventable. Individuals and governments were culpable. After finalising the Rwanda report Masire was appointed to facilitate the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, 2000-03, with the objective of bringing about a new political dispensation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This appointment illustrated his great, inimitable leadership. Dr Salim Salim, the secretary general of the OAU, told him the Congolese parties were looking for possible candidates to be a facilitator. The three principal belligerents had to agree, and they had rejected 11 other individuals but all agreed on Masire. Drawing on his long experience as leader of Botswana, he knew he needed to understand all the issues, so each party would feel its concerns were being addressed. A great deal of patience was required and this he had aplenty. Throughout his three years and three months working on the Inter-Congolese dialogue, Masire tried to keep everyone involved and informed — whether they were inside or outside. He wanted to be sure that those outside exercised influence for good where they could, and also that they did not give the wrong signals that would encourage the belligerents or other parties to be too stubborn. The dialogue gave the Congolese their first opportunity to come together to frame a future for their country. They had never been through a democratic process of consultation, and Masire had to start at the very beginning. He pressed them to achieve what he believed they could. At one stage one of the participants asked Masire how he could be certain that if they agreed to the proposals, the other sides would also agree. Masire told them what he always told aspiring politicians in Botswana: there is always a risk in politics in a democratic setup. If you are afraid to take a risk, you cannot be a politician. He said it was reasonable to assume that if others saw one party was accommodating, as was true of some of the participants, then those others would also begin to be accommodating. The closing ceremony and the signing of the Inter-Congolese dialogue took place on 2 April 2003 in Sun City, South Africa. But its implementation was difficult. Periodic fighting continued, and a constitution was not adopted until early in 2006. As we celebrate his centennial birthday we remember Sir Ketumile Masire with immense joy and pride as a man who was positively animated with life. He reflected as St Irenaeus said 'the glory of God in humanity fully alive'. We remember his sterling leadership ingrained in his love of God and humanity. We remember 'a man for all seasons', a teacher, farmer, journalist, politician, peacemaker and family man. On a personal note, a great friend, mentor and father-in-law. We remember a man who was inspired and guided by good values that transformed Botswana from an impoverished country to a middle income nation, testament to his prudent leadership. We remember an unassuming leader who deserves to be remembered as one of the greatest African pioneers of post-colonial history. He personified the values of botho, or ubuntu, which promotes the value of a person's interconnectedness with their community. That is what makes a person truly great. We remember a wise mediator in various conflicts as illustrated in investigating the causes of the genocide in Rwanda, and working towards peace in the bloody conflicts of eastern DRC. He was a towering peacemaker in our world who laid the foundation of peace in the DRC on which the Congolese must build and preserve. He was also the SADC mediator for Lesotho. Sir Ketumile was a respected voice and model leader for peace and good governance on the African continent and beyond. He truly was a great man and may his memory be a blessing to us. We remember Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a man blessed by God with faith, moral courage, compassion, tolerance, kindness, intelligence, integrity and decency. These are attributes our world needs in today's leaders to resolve the challenges we face. The Right Reverend Dr Musonda Trevor Selwyn Mwamba (formerly Bishop of Botswana) is the president of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), Zambia.
The Citizen
an hour ago
- The Citizen
DA takes eThekwini municipality to court over sewage crisis
The DA is taking eThekwini municipality to court over years of sewage spills, failed service delivery and crumbling coastal infrastructure. The case will be heard in the Pietermaritzburg High Court on Thursday and Friday, July 25 and 26, with a public protest planned outside the courthouse. A years-long sewage crisis has plagued communities, damaging tourism, the environment and public health. The DA, which is fully funding the civil suit, is urging residents to join the protest and demand accountability for environmental degradation and the collapse of public amenities. Provincial leader Francois Rodgers MPL, provincial chairperson Dean Macpherson MP, and DA eThekwini caucus leader councillor Thabani Mthethwa will lead the demonstration. 'This case centres on the inability of the ANC-IFP-EFF-run municipality to implement a turnaround plan to fix infrastructure issues and comply with environmental directives from both national and provincial government,' said Macpherson. 'We will hold the failed ANC-IFP-EFF-run eThekwini municipality accountable for the terrible state of service delivery in the city.' Communities such as Umdloti, Tongaat, La Mercy, Mount Moreland, and Westbrook have endured years of sewage spills and infrastructure neglect. Umdloti and Westbrook have suffered the worst effects, with unsafe beaches impacting tourism, the environment and public health. DA Ward 58 councillor Geoff Pullen highlighted the environmental and economic toll. 'We have a sewerage crisis in eThekwini,' Pullen told the Courier. 'We have lost all our Blue Flag beaches due to E. coli contamination from poorly maintained sewer works.' In 2020/21, 12 eThekwini beaches, including Westbrook Beach, Umdloti Tidal Pool and Umdloti Main Beach, held Blue Flag status. Today, none remain. Pullen emphasised the blow to tourism caused by pollution. READ MORE: Sewage spill nightmare in Tongaat | North Coast Courier 'Just think how many tourism jobs we are losing because our sea is polluted. The DA is keen to get our sewerage works functioning properly,' he said. The office of eThekwini Mayor Cyril Xaba could not be reached for comment. However, in a July 8 blog post on the eThekwini Municipality's website titled Enhancing Service Delivery Remains a Goal, Xaba acknowledged the issue. 'We are also responsible for reticulating sewage without spillage and for treating and discharging sewage at an acceptable quality,' wrote the mayor. READ MORE: Sewage spill in Umdloti blamed on sand infiltration and budget constraints | North Coast Courier Stay in the loop with The North Coast Courier on Facebook, X, Instagram & YouTube for the latest news. Mobile users can join our WhatsApp Broadcast Service here or if you're on desktop, scan the QR code below. At Caxton, we employ humans to generate daily fresh news, not AI intervention. Happy reading!
IOL News
an hour ago
- IOL News
Escalating tensions in Velddrif by-election as parties accuse DA of electoral misconduct
Bergrivier Municiplaity Speaker Randall Swarts accused of running someone over with his car, during an altercation. Image: Supplied A by-election in Ward 6 of the Bergrivier Municipality has turned tense following serious allegations of electoral interference and violence, with the ANC, EFF and PA calling for the disqualification of the DA from the contest. The by-election, taking place in Velddrif's Noordhoek area and surrounding farming communities, was triggered by the resignation of a DA councillor amid allegations of racism within the party. On Tuesday evening, shortly after the Noordhoek Community Hall voting station had closed at 5pm, members of the EFF, ANC, and PA say they witnessed the Speaker of the Bergrivier Municipality, Randall Swarts, – a DA member – unlawfully entering the premises where the IEC voting station had been set up. According to the EFF's sub-regional secretary, Chadrick Fortuin, the Speaker was confronted by members of the three parties, who accused him of attempting to interfere with ballot materials. Fortuin further alleges that during the confrontation, the Speaker attempted to run over an EFF member with his vehicle. 'This is not just a violation of electoral procedures, it is an attempted murder,' Fortuin said. 'He entered the voting station after hours, without permission, and when challenged, he used his car as a weapon.' All three parties – the EFF, ANC and PA – have laid criminal charges, including attempted murder and a breach of the Electronic Communications and Transactions Act, arguing that the Speaker unlawfully entered a restricted area. They have demanded that the DA be disqualified from the by-election, warning that they will not recognise the outcome should the party be allowed to remain on the ballot. Video Player is loading. 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Next Stay Close ✕ Billy Claasen, Executive Director of the Rural and Farmworkers Development Organisation, said the allegations were deeply concerning given the importance of fair elections in rural communities. 'The integrity of the IEC process must be upheld. Any attempt to interfere with the vote, particularly in vulnerable communities, cannot be tolerated.' In response, the DA has rejected the allegations outright. 'The DA operates within the law when it comes to elections. No illegal activity took place,' the party said in a statement. 'We have full faith in the IEC's processes, and if any party believes a transgression occurred, it should be reported through the proper channels.' The party added that it was focused on retaining the ward and backing 'an incredibly talented young man' to represent the voters of Ward 6. Western Cape police spokesperson Sergeant Wesley Twigg confirmed that a criminal case has been opened. 'Laaiplek police registered an attempted murder case for investigation following an incident on Tuesday, 22 July 2025, in Noordhoek, Laaiplek. The circumstances surrounding the incident are under investigation and no arrests have been made.' The IEC said everything had been removed at the time of the squabble. "It has nothing to do with stolen ballots, they were taken around 5pm and the confrontation happened around 8pm when the Speaker tried to access the hall," spokesperson Michael Hendrickse said. Anyone with information is urged to contact Crime Stop on 08600 10111.
