Mbeki pens open letter to DA's Steenhuisen after party's decision to opt out of National Dialogue
In a blistering rebuke, Mbeki said it would have been more logical for the DA to walk away from the Government of National Unity (GNU) than withdraw from the dialogue.
He said it was obvious that the DA has serious problems with President Cyril Ramaphosa and the African National Congress (ANC) over the GNU.
Mbeki, who championed the National Dialogue, said opting out of it is misplaced and strange.
READ: ANC calls on DA to clarify if it wants stay in GNU or return to opposition party role
While some saw the DA's big announcement following its failed ultimatum to the president as nothing more than a damp squib, Mbeki did not take well to these comments by Steenhuisen about the dialogue.
'In the absence of a president who is prepared to take action against VBS looters and state capture-accused sitting around the Cabinet table, it's clear that the dialogue will be nothing more than a waste of time and money to distract from ANC failures.'
This has resulted in a scathing attack, with the former president suggesting the DA's acts were against its very own direct interests.
In typical Mbeki fashion, he painstakingly set out how the idea of the dialogue was born, its purpose, and those involved in the project.
Mbeki said the dialogue would be the first time South Africans get an opportunity to engage one another in a detailed and comprehensive conversation about the country.
Despite Steenhuisen's declaration to boycott the dialogue, his department is one of the interministerial committees tasked with overseeing the project.
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Penning the Executive Summary, Madonsela stated that 'State of Capture' is my report in terms of section 182(1)(b) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, and section 3(1) of the Executive Members Ethics Act and section 8(1) of the Public Protector Act, 1994.' The sections cited by Madonsela were relevant. They demonstrated her understanding of the Constitutional imperative which guided her in executing her mandate. However, there was a concern that section 84(f) of the Constitution was flouted when Madonsela recommended that the Chairperson of the commission should be appointed by the Chief Justice of the Constitutional Court, not the sitting President. Section 84 talks about the powers and functions of a sitting President. Section 84(f) states that the President is responsible for 'appointing commissions of inquiry.' It does not envisage a situation whereby the chairperson of the commission should be appointed by someone else. 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Fourthly, if there was a 'state of capture', why has prosecution taken a snail's pace, and what role does the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) play? Fifthly and lastly, will the ANC succeed in ridding itself of the impact of corruption and trust deficit between itself and the electorate as discussed in Madonsela's report? Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ Regarding the first question, it depends on who provides the answer. To some, the answer is in the affirmative. They usually cite incidents such as the Nkandla gate. However, they fail to acknowledge that Zuma was already renovating his home using Minenhle Makhanya as his architect. They also overlook the role played by the security cluster, which was responsible for installing security features at Zuma's home. Fikile Mbalula, the current Secretary-General of the ANC, is on record saying that the ANC deliberately lied to the nation when it instructed Nathi Nhleko to state that the swimming pool at Zuma's homestead was a fire pool. The question is: how many other lies were manufactured behind closed doors? Did the Guptas have anything to do with that? These questions lead to the view shared by some that there was never any capture of the state by a few. There was corruption then as there is corruption now! On the second question, there is no debate that Zuma found the Guptas already embedded in the ANC. His predecessors interacted with this family in different contexts. Perhaps what changed under Zuma is that the Gupta brothers were more influential in making certain decisions. Surely, some of the allegations made against them remain just that – allegations, because they never presented their side of the story. The answer to the third question is an emphatic no! South Africa is not free from corruption, long after Madonsela's report was submitted. Even President Cyril Ramaphosa promised 'The New Dawn' and to correct the wrongs of the so-called 'nine wasted years' under Zuma, whom he deputised both in the ANC and in government. The Phala Phala matter made a mockery of the President's promise to end corruption. Although state institutions cleared him of any wrongdoing, the stigma remains. Nationally, statistics paint a bleak picture about ending corruption. The fourth question is even more important. Some money has been recovered, which is good. The NPA has understandably claimed victories. But it would be foolhardy to praise the fish for swimming. The NPA staff did what is expected of them. There is still more work to be done. 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IOL News
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