
HCLTech software division partners with Swiss Network In India
HCLSoftware partners with Swiss Network in India to enhance digital infrastructure through the Indo-Swiss Innovation Platform, addressing public sector challenges with citizen-centric solutions. HCLSoftware will leverage its enterprise technologies and XDO blueprint to modernize governance and improve user experience. This collaboration aims to foster knowledge exchange and innovation between Switzerland and India.

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News18
8 hours ago
- News18
Modi And Starmer: Can India Shape Britain's Indo-Pacific Tilt?
Last Updated: Without India's backing, Britain's Indo-Pacific tilt risks becoming an expensive exercise in naval tourism Prime Minister Narendra Modi is in London. He has met Keir Starmer. The Joint Statement has been delivered. The FTA has been signed. It will add £25 billion to bilateral trade. Britain is now engaging in trade and investment with India in a way it has not since India's independence. However, there is one major area the UK is especially focused on, something it hopes the FTA will help it achieve: the British ambition in the Indo-Pacific. The United Kingdom first flirted with the idea of an Indo-Pacific tilt four years ago. Major powers in the region—such as India, Australia, China, Japan, Russia and the US—already had an Indo-Pacific policy. Talks were already underway on the FTA with India. Since then, the UK has committed to its engagement with the Indo-Pacific as a long-term endeavour. But despite being vocal about its ambitions, it has struggled to generate meaningful partnerships. While India-UK military ties, defence agreements and joint naval exercises signal a strengthening of relations and increased engagement, it is the FTA that offers the greatest value. A period of political turmoil has left the UK with four prime ministers in the past four years, including the current PM, Starmer—Rishi Sunak (2022–2024); Elizabeth Truss (2022); and Boris Johnson (2019–2022). Yet one objective remained constant despite the political churn: the vision and tenacity to see through the trade deal with India. Alongside it came a hope: to address the lingering underachievement of the UK's Indo-Pacific vision, which has yet to materialise into anything of substance. This is why the FTA is even more important for the UK. It ensures that trade will rise, and with it, defence and political ties will reach even greater heights. India is a power to be reckoned with in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific. The UK recognises it, and India recognises the value of the UK as a close partner within the Western bloc. India's Role In UK's Indo-Pacific Strategy India has emerged as the indispensable cornerstone of Britain's Indo-Pacific ambitions—not merely as a trading partner but as the regional heavyweight that can legitimise London's presence from the Indian Ocean to the Western Pacific. The UK's Indo-Pacific Minister, Catherine West, has explicitly acknowledged this reality, describing the UK's engagement as 'a generational mission, a long-term strategic posture". It represents a fundamental shift from episodic deployments to sustained strategic presence, with India as the primary enabler. The strategic calculations are straightforward: without India's backing, Britain's Indo-Pacific tilt risks becoming an expensive exercise in naval tourism. India's unique position—as a Quad member, a rising economic power, and a nation with deep historical ties to Britain—provides London with the credibility, comfort and logistical foundation necessary for meaningful regional engagement. Unlike other regional powers, India offers the UK something invaluable: legitimacy born of shared democratic values and complementary strategic interests, rather than the transactional relationships that characterise much of contemporary geopolitics. Recent developments underscore this centrality. The June 2025 joint naval exercises between HMS Prince of Wales and INS Tabar in the North Arabian Sea, or the emergency landing of an F-35B in Thiruvananthapuram—where India provided 38 days of secure hangar space and technical support for Britain's most advanced fighter aircraft—proved that New Delhi can be trusted with London's most sensitive military technology. This episode, more than any formal agreement, illustrated India's role as Britain's de facto strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific. India's geographic advantages compound its political utility. The subcontinent's position astride major shipping lanes gives Britain access to the critical chokepoints and sea lines of communication that define Indo-Pacific strategy. The UK's co-leadership with India of the maritime security pillar under India's Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative provides an institutional framework for this cooperation—embedding British strategic interests within Indian regional leadership rather than competing with it. The defence dimension is equally compelling. India's rapidly expanding military capabilities—from aircraft carriers to nuclear submarines—offer Britain a force multiplier that smaller regional partners cannot. The 2022 Indo-Pacific Defence Agreement established frameworks for joint capability development, while the recent announcement of a 10-year Defence Industrial Roadmap signals long-term strategic alignment. Britain is not merely seeking market access; it is positioning itself as India's partner of choice for advanced military technologies that will shape the region's security architecture for decades to come. Twenty-six British companies announced new business ventures in India during Modi's visit, while Indian firms committed nearly £6 billion in UK investments. Rolls-Royce and HAL are expanding aerospace manufacturing in Tamil Nadu, while the University of Southampton has opened a campus in Gurugram, creating educational partnerships that will shape the next generation of bilateral cooperation. In UP's defence corridor, Trafalgar Square Capital has pledged £7.5 billion for an Ayodhya defence complex. Why The FTA Is Crucial For UK's Indo-Pacific Ambitions Trade has always been the foundation of Britain's global influence, and the Indo-Pacific requires economic staying power that military deployments alone cannot provide. The FTA addresses this challenge by creating commercial incentives for sustained British engagement across Indian supply chains—from defence manufacturing to clean energy infrastructure. When 99 per cent of Indian exports gain duty-free access to British markets, and UK firms see their average tariffs on Indian goods drop to 3 per cent, the resulting economic integration becomes strategically irreversible. More subtly, the FTA positions Britain as India's gateway to post-Brexit global trade networks. As India negotiates with the EU and confronts US trade protectionism, the UK offers an alternative pathway to developed-world markets—without the political constraints that plague other relationships. The boost to bilateral trade via the FTA provides the foundation, but the agreement's strategic value lies in its ability to create irreversible economic interdependencies that transcend political cycles and transform competitive dynamics across the Indo-Pacific. The FTA's Strategic Export Cooperation chapter establishes bilateral consultative dialogues that will accelerate joint ventures in precisely the technologies that define 21st-century military competition. It will make the British and Indian defence industries mutually dependent rather than competitive. Services mobility provisions enable 60,000 Indian professionals to work in the UK annually, while British firms gain preferential access to India's expanding digital economy. The Social Security Convention alone will save Indian companies Rs 40 billion annually by eliminating double taxation for seconded employees—making UK assignments financially attractive for the first time. These human capital flows create permanent linkages between the British and Indian technology sectors that government agreements cannot replicate. The FTA includes provisions for joint processing and recycling facilities that position both nations as alternatives to Chinese supply chains. When combined with the Technology Security Initiative's focus on minerals mapping and supply chain resilience, these arrangements create the foundation for Western technological independence in critical sectors. The agreement's strategic export cooperation provisions establish bilateral consultative mechanisms that will accelerate joint ventures in missile sub-systems and electronic warfare capabilities. British firms will gain preferential access to India's Rs 200 billion defence modernisation programme, while Indian companies secure pathways into European and transatlantic defence markets through UK partnerships. The timing amplifies these strategic benefits. As China leverages economic coercion against trading partners and the United States retreats from multilateral trade agreements, the India–UK FTA offers both nations alternative pathways to global markets. For Britain, India provides access to the world's fastest-growing major economy without the political complications that accompany Chinese or American partnerships. For India, the UK offers sophisticated financial services and advanced manufacturing capabilities that complement rather than compete with domestic development priorities. top videos View all Success is not guaranteed, but the foundation has been established. India's emergence as a global power and Britain's need for post-Brexit strategic relevance create alignments that did not exist even a decade ago. The FTA and Vision 2035 provide the institutional framework for capitalising on these opportunities. The question now is whether both nations possess the strategic patience and political courage—especially Britain—to transform an Indo-Pacific tilt into a lasting strategic transformation. The alternative: a return to episodic engagement and competing priorities, which would waste the significant investments already made and leave both nations vulnerable to a more assertive China and an increasingly isolationist America. The partnership's success or failure will significantly influence whether democratic nations can effectively coordinate responses to 21st-century strategic challenges—or remain trapped in 20th-century alliance structures that no longer reflect contemporary realities. About the Author Sohil Sinha Sohil Sinha is a Sub Editor at News18. He writes on foreign affairs, geopolitics along with domestic policy and infrastructure projects. tags : India-UK ties Keir Starmer Narendra Modi view comments Location : New Delhi, India, India First Published: July 25, 2025, 08:53 IST News opinion Opinion | Modi And Starmer: Can India Shape Britain's Indo-Pacific Tilt? Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.


India.com
18 hours ago
- India.com
India gets BIG lead on super magnets, signs deals with eight countries to...; bad news for China due to...
(File) India rare earth magnets: In a significant move that could deal a severe blow to China's monopoly over rare earth elements (REEs), India is in talks with several countries who have sufficient reserves of rare earth minerals. The development comes after China restricted the export of rare earth magnets to India following Operation Sindoor, citing 'national security' concerns. Which countries has India signed agreements with? In a written reply during the ongoing monsoon session of the Parliament, Union Minister Jitendra Singh informed the House that India has already agreements to procure super magnets aka rare earth magnets and other rare earth minerals from at least eight countries and talks are underway with Brazil and Dominican Republic. 'To develop bilateral cooperation with countries rich in mineral resources, the Ministry of Mines has signed agreements with the governments of many countries. These countries include Australia, Argentina, Zambia, Peru, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi, Cote d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) and organizations like the International Energy Agency (IEA),' Singh revealed. Jitendra Singh, who is the Minister of State (Independent Charge) of the Department of Atomic Energy, further stated that the Ministry of Mines has also initiated the process of entering into Government-to-Government (G2G) MoUs with Brazil and Dominican Republic to develop cooperation in the field of rare earth minerals and critical minerals. 'The primary objective of these agreements is to create a developed framework for research, development and innovations in the mining sector, with a special focus on rare earth elements (REE) and critical minerals,' he added. How India is working to develop new supply chain of rare minerals? According to the minister, the Indian government is working strengthen the supply chain of critical minerals with initiatives like Mineral Security Partnership, Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF), India-UK Technology and Security Initiative (TSI), Quad and Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET). Does India have rare mineral reserves? As per official data, India has around 7.23 million tonnes of rare earth element oxides and 13.15 million tonnes of monazite– an important source of thorium used in generating nuclear energy. Monazite reserves have been discovered in coastal areas, red sand and alluvial soil areas of Andhra Pradesh, Odisha, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, West Bengal, Jharkhand, Gujarat and Maharashtra. Singh stated that about 1.29 million tonnes of rare earth minerals have been found in parts of Gujarat and Rajasthan, adding that the Geological Survey of India (GSI) has discovered a whopping 482.6 million tonnes of resources of rare earth element (REE) ore at various cut-off grades in 34 exploration projects. Why India needs rare earth magnets? Super magnets or rare earth magnets are used in the manufacturing of ll kinds of advanced equipment ranging from electric vehicles (EV) to military drones and radar systems. According to industry estimates, India expects to import 700 tonnes of magnets worth $30 million this year, a major chunk of which comes from China. As per customs data, Chinese exports of permanent magnets fell 51% to 2,626 tonnes in April after the export ban came into force, while India imported 460 tonnes of rare earth magnets, most of which came from China, in the financial year that ended on March 31, 2025. According to official estimates, China controls more than 90% production of rare earth magnets, but imposed restrictions on their export in April in response to the tariffs imposed by US President Donald Trump.


Hindustan Times
a day ago
- Hindustan Times
Indian, Canadian govt representatives hold discussions on trade and investment
Toronto: Catalysed by business associations, Indian and Canadian government representatives have held multiple discussions in recent days focused on trade and investment. Indian and Canadian officials along with other stakeholders in the India-Canada trade corridor at the roundtable in Ottawa last week. (Credit: High Commission of India, Ottawa) On Wednesday, the Indo-Canadian Business Chamber (ICBC) organised a business roundtable in Toronto, a closed-door dialogue on the 'evolving' India-Canada economic relationship. The special guests featured Sara Wilshaw, Canada's Chief Trade Commissioner and Assistant Deputy Minister at Global Affairs Canada, the country's foreign ministry, and India's Acting Consul General in Toronto Kapidhwaja Pratap Singh. A week earlier, a similar roundtable in Ottawa was attended by Global Affairs Canada (GAC's) Director General for South Asia Marie-Louise Hannan and India's Acting High Commissioner Chinmoy Naik. Also present at both meetings was India's former High Commissioner to Ottawa Ajay Bisaria. Bisaria said, 'There is cautious optimism, a sense what was a headwind for businesses for the last two years has become a tailwind.' ICBC's CEO Nadira Hamid later told the Hindustan Times while this appeared to be a 'positive time' for trade ties, with the governments 'poised' to enter a 'new phase' in the relationship, they wanted to 'to ensure this momentum carries on'. She described these roundtables as 'round one' of the business advocacy events, with more such interfaces planned for later in 2025 and for spring next year. Following the roundtable in Ottawa, India's High Commission in Ottawa had posted that Naik 'emphasised deepening India-Canada commercial & investment relations.' After the Toronto event, India's consulate posted that Wilshaw and Singh 'provided key insights on strengthening this vital economic corridor — building on the momentum of the recent meeting between the Prime Ministers of India and Canada.' That reference was to the bilateral meeting between Prime Ministers Narendra Modi and Mark Carney on the margins of the G7 leaders' summit in Kananaskis last month. Indian and Canadian officials along with other stakeholders in the India-Canada trade corridor at the roundtable in Toronto on Thursday. (Consulate General of India, Toronto) Hamid said, 'We need to continue taking steps to go in the right direction. Our suggestion is to concentrate on niche sectors which are important for both governments.' These include agri-tech, artificial intelligence, LNG, critical minerals and auto parts, among others. She also said another focus area was education partnerships, particularly innovation and technology ties between universities. Indian companies seeking to expand their footprint in Canada are also seeking e-visas for businesses, like those that India issues, Hamid pointed out. These meetings follow the visit by GAC's Assistant Deputy Minister (Indo-Pacific) Weldon Epp to India earlier this month during which he travelled to New Delhi and Mumbai. He met Canadian institutional investors, including pension funds, while in the commercial capital.