
South Koreans frustrated with constant leadership churn: ‘I stopped caring'
In the American drama Designated Survivor, the US secretary of housing and urban development unexpectedly assumes the presidency after 12 officials ahead of him in the line of succession are wiped out.
Advertisement
A less dramatic but equally surreal scenario unfolded in
South Korea on Friday, though the presidential line of succession did not make it to No 13.
On Thursday, former acting president and Prime Minister
Han Duck-soo resigned to run for president, while former Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs Choi Sang-mok stepped down following an impeachment push in the National Assembly by the Democratic Party of Korea (DPK).
Now, with the snap presidential election set for June 3, Education Minister Lee Ju-ho is serving as acting president.
With former president
Yoon Suk-yeol impeached last month and the nation's No 2 and No 3 officials no longer in power, South Korea is facing an unprecedented leadership vacuum, intensifying public concerns over the uncertainty of its political future.
Advertisement
'Seriously? Even the education minister is acting president now? That was my first thought when I saw the news,' Song Hyun-woo, a 26-year-old preparing to become a navy officer, said.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


AllAfrica
10 hours ago
- AllAfrica
India's trade gambit: sovereignty vs. Trump's tariff deadline
With just days remaining before President Trump's July 9 deadline to reimpose steep 'reciprocal tariffs,' US-India trade talks have reached a critical juncture. Trump's recent declaration of a 'very big deal' with India, one that would 'open up' its markets stands in stark contrast to the gridlock reported by negotiators in Washington. As an Indian delegation races against time, fundamental disagreements over agriculture, industrial goods and fair reciprocity threaten to derail a pact both leaders have touted as transformative. The delegation, led by Rajesh Agarwal, faces immense pressure to concede, but New Delhi's resolve to protect its economic sovereignty has only intensified. With both nations refusing to blink, the outcome may redefine not just bilateral trade but India's resolve to protect its economic sovereignty while navigating Trump's high-pressure tactics. Agriculture, India's hill to die on: The US demand for tariff cuts on soybeans, corn, and dairy and market access for genetically modified (GM) crops strikes at India's most sensitive nerve. Washington frames this as 'fair trade,' but India sees an existential threat to its agrarian economy, which sustains 700 million people. US farm subsidies, exceeding $30 billion annually, create artificially cheap exports that could devastate India's smallholders (average landholding: 1.15 hectares). Politically, concessions are untenable as farmer unions still recall the 2020-21 protests. Ajay Srivastava of the Global Trade Research Initiative has said 'No tariff cuts are expected for dairy or key food grains.' Industrial asymmetry, a lopsided battle: India's push for relief from Trump's 26% reciprocal tariffs faces stiff resistance, especially on steel and auto parts. Meanwhile, the US insists India slash duties on American cars (currently 100-110%) and alcohol (150%). This imbalance mirrors the US-UK 'mini-deal,' where Britain accepted permanent 10% US tariffs while dismantling its own steel protections. For India, such terms would institutionalize disadvantage: Its exports are facing 'MFN+10%' rates in the US, while American goods gain significantly expanded access to Indian markets through deep tariff reductions. Trump's negotiation strategy thrives on ambiguity. His June 27 statement about the July 9 deadline, 'We can do whatever we want,' shows his use of unpredictability as a weapon. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent hinted talks could extend to US Labor Day (September 1), while White House officials casually remarked that the deadline is 'not critical.' Yet Trump simultaneously threatens letters to 'non-deal' countries imposing 25-45% tariffs. This carrot-and-stick approach aims to spook India into concessions. Here, the recent US-China 'signed deal' offers a cautionary lesson. Although Trump hailed it as a breakthrough, that deal's substance is fragile: China's vague promise to 'review export applications' for rare earths (which dominate 90% of global supply) secured only loose US pledges to ease chip-material curbs, while Trump's 20% tariffs imposed on Chinese goods over Beijing's alleged failure to curb fentanyl precursor flows remain in place. For India, this highlights the peril of prioritizing optics over enforceable terms – a risk it cannot afford. India enters these talks with unusual leverage. April-May 2025 exports to the US surged 22% year-on-year to $17.25 billion, proving resilience despite tariffs. As S&P revises India's growth forecast upward (6.5%) and domestic consumption rebounds, officials project calm: 'We are keen, but not desperate,' one negotiator reiterated. India's counterstrategy hinges on diversification and unwavering red lines. Domestically, rejecting GM crops protects seed sovereignty and biodiverse farming; upholding data localization rules shields citizens from surveillance capitalism; and auto tariffs defend a $100 billion manufacturing ecosystem. Externally, India is mitigating US pressure through advanced EU FTA talks (accessing a $450 billion market), a sealed UK pact and Global South alliances with ASEAN and Africa. Crucially, robust domestic consumption (60% of GDP) insulates the Indian economy, although rupee flexibility and pharma strengths remain strategic projections rather than negotiation table commitments. Even if a limited pact emerges by July 9 – token concessions on almonds or LNG, paired with face-saving US tariff tweaks – the truce will be fragile. Trump's 'national security' tariffs on semiconductors, pharma and critical minerals, now under active Commerce Department probes, could target India by August. For India, signing a lopsided agreement risks perceptions of capitulation, while walking away affirms 'strategic autonomy' but invites 26% tariffs on key exports like textiles and seafood. Globally, others face similar challenges: Vietnam has rejected US claims of currency manipulation, and Trump ended talks with Canada over a digital tax, showing how US positions can shift quickly. A limited 'early harvest' deal appears the most plausible outcome, one covering $100-150 billion in bilateral trade while deferring contentious issues like agriculture, autos and data governance. India may offer calibrated concessions: reduced tariffs on US almonds, walnuts or LNG to narrow its trade surplus, alongside symbolic commitments on digital trade facilitation. The US, in turn, might suspend its 26% reciprocal tariffs but retain a 10% baseline duty on Indian goods mirroring its recent pact with the UK. Such an arrangement would let President Trump declare victory in 'opening up' India while India showcases 'protected national interests.' Yet this minimalist approach would paper over deeper asymmetries. The US demand for sweeping agricultural access clashes irreconcilably with India's defense of food sovereignty and smallholder livelihoods. Similarly, the United States' resistance to lifting auto and steel tariffs contradicts its rhetoric of 'fair reciprocity.' These tensions reflect a structural divide: The US views trade through mercantilist lenses (exports = wins), while India prioritizes developmental equity (protection = survival). As the head of Indian Institute of Foreign Trade notes, ' The ball is in the U.S. court. India isn't for a win-lose partnership . ' The China precedent remains instructive: Beijing's rare earths 'deal' with the US secured temporary relief but left core grievances unresolved. India, too, must weigh whether a hurried pact solves problems or merely postpones them. It remains to be seen whether both nations build a balanced framework that respects India's development needs while offering genuine US market access? Or will 'reciprocity' remain a one-way street? Lasting solutions require patient negotiation of equitable frameworks, not tactical concessions under deadline duress. Whether both nations can transcend zero-sum politics remains the real test beyond July's theatrics. Naina Sharma is a research assistant at the Center of Policy Research and Governance (CPRG).


RTHK
13 hours ago
- RTHK
Canada axes tech tax in push for US trade deal
Canada axes tech tax in push for US trade deal Mark Carney listens to Donald Trump at the G7 summit in Kananaskis, Alberta, in June. File photo: Reuters Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney said trade talks with the United States have resumed after Ottawa rescinded its plan to tax American technology firms. The rescindment came after US President Donald Trump said on Friday that he was suspending trade talks with Canada over its plans to continue with its tax on technology firms, which he called 'a direct and blatant attack on our country'. The Canadian government said 'in anticipation' of a trade deal 'Canada would rescind' the Digital Services Tax. The tax was set to go into effect on Monday. Carney and Trump spoke on the phone on Sunday, and Carney's office said they agreed to resume negotiations. 'Today's announcement will support a resumption of negotiations towards the July 21, 2025, timeline set out at this month's G7 leaders' summit in Kananaskis,' Carney said in a statement on Sunday. Carney visited Trump in May at the White House, where he was polite but firm. Trump travelled to Canada for the G7 summit in Alberta, where Carney said that Canada and the United States had set a 30-day deadline for trade talks. Trump, in a post on his social media network on Friday, said Canada had informed the United States that it was sticking to its plan to impose the digital services tax, which applies to Canadian and foreign businesses that engage with online users in Canada. The tax was due to hit companies such as Amazon, Google, Meta, Uber and Airbnb with a three-percent levy on revenue from Canadian users. It would have applied retroactively, leaving US companies with a US$2 billion bill due on Monday. 'Rescinding the digital services tax will allow the negotiations of a new economic and security relationship with the United States to make vital progress,' Canadian Finance Minister François-Philippe Champagne said in a statement. Champagne also spoke with US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent on Sunday. (AFP)


AllAfrica
17 hours ago
- AllAfrica
What the Iran bombing shows about American power and its limits
Last week was a good week for American power and for Donald Trump. The attack he ordered on Iran, against most expectations, was a successful demonstration of that power especially as it intimidated Iran sufficiently to discourage immediate retaliation. The agreement by NATO to set a 5% target for defense spending in proportion to GDP counts as another political success for Trump, especially as NATO's Secretary-General, Mark Rutte, gave that success a ridiculous embellishment by describing him as 'Daddy. Celebratory hamburgers and Cokes would have been called for over the weekend at Mar-a-Lago. The success of Trump's bombing of Iran is not measured in terms of whether US 'bunker-busting' bombs have destroyed Iran's nuclear-weapons program. Trump says that they have, Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Hosseini Khameini says they haven't – and we can be sure that both are lying. Almost certainly, based on satellite photos and reports from US and Israeli intelligence, the three big nuclear facilities the bombs struck have been crippled in the sense that it will take time and a great deal of money to rebuild and reopen them. Yet Israeli intelligence also believes that Iran still possesses an unknown quantity of enriched uranium and an unknown number of secret facilities. Whatever Trump and the US Department of Defense may say, the Israelis know that if Iran wished to resume its nuclear program, it could do so, albeit at great expense. The real question is not whether the nuclear program has been destroyed. The real questions concern whether Iran's political will to develop nuclear weapons has been destroyed by America's willingness to fight alongside Israel; and whether Israel's own political leadership is now prepared to wait and try to gauge Iranian intentions or whether instead it might seek to renew its own attacks in response to any indication, however minor, that the nuclear or missile programmes are being resumed. Certainly, Trump now has leverage over Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, since the American bombing did Netanyahu a big favor. However, the leverage works both ways: By persuading Trump that the bombing was worth the risk Netanyahu gave Trump a big political win, and in the aftermath of the (so far) 12-day war it is Israeli intelligence which will play a crucial role in reporting on Iran's behavior and intentions. So, for the time being, Trump and Netanyahu are in a relationship of mutual dependency. Trump might hope to be able to press Netanyahu to bring an end to his attacks on Gaza and to find a way to bring Israel, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and the Gulf Arab countries together again to find a long-term solution to that conflict. But if Netanyahu decides that a ceasefire in Gaza is not in his interests, he has tools in his hands with which he can resist American pressure. It is an old story: US military power is extraordinary, but America's ability to shape sustainable diplomatic and political outcomes in the aftermath even of successful military action has been shown many times to be limited. If this brief but effective bombing of Iran were to bring a sustainable and positive political outcome, it would be an extraordinary exception to the long-term rule. Much depends on what now happens inside Iran. The killings by Israel of a large swath of Iran's military and scientific leadership means that a new generation has suddenly been promoted. Wartime conditions have led to a tightening of control over the country by the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps, the most ideological part of the armed forces. Executions of suspected Israeli spies are under way. The 86-year-old Ayatollah Khamenei remains in theoretical charge, but in reality a new generation of militants is now in day-to-day control. They will certainly have been intimidated by the American attack and will not feel strong enough to wish to provoke further attacks. Some form of negotiation will likely get going with the Americans about the nuclear program, though it is also possible that the new militant leaders may simply try to keep their heads low for a while, to give them time to consolidate their power. One big thing that has happened as a result of Trump's bombing decision is that the idea that the US president is averse to risk and simply likes doing deals has been shown to be incomplete. He does like deals and doesn't like risk, but plainly is willing to use military action when he sees an opportunity or a necessity. It is unlikely that China ever felt confident that Trump would not intervene if they were to attempt to invade or blockade Taiwan, but certainly they now know to take the threat of US military intervention during the Trump presidency seriously. An optimistic view would be that Trump's success in Iran might now encourage him to make a bold intervention on the side of Ukraine and against Vladimir Putin's Russia. This is evidently what European members of NATO are hoping for, and it is what Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy was pushing for when he spoke with Trump at the NATO summit on June 25, and again asked to be allowed to buy more US missile defense systems and other weapons. Yet just as American power to shape political outcomes has been shown in the long term to be limited, during the seven months so far of Trump's presidency we have seen that his attention span and commitment to specific causes are also limited. However often Europeans debase themselves by calling him 'Daddy,' it will not change the reality that European countries cannot rely on America and that they need to protect themselves. The importance of NATO's new 5% spending target is not the target itself, which is largely meaningless: Even America currently spends only 3.5% of GDP and is unlikely to achieve 5% given the size of its fiscal deficit and public debt. The importance lies in the fact that a wide range of European governments, led by Germany, France and the UK, have committed themselves to build their defenses up to a level at which they no longer need to depend on America. Under Trump, America will often be hostile, especially over trade, and so will need to be resisted by a confident and resolute Europe. However much success American power might have found last week, the US cannot be relied upon – and its long-term influence is, anyway, limited. Europe is not on its own, but it needs to be self-reliant. Formerly editor-in-chief of The Economist, Bill Emmott is currently chairman of the Japan Society of the UK, the International Institute for Strategic Studies and the International Trade Institute. A version of this article has been published in Italian by La Stampa and can be found in English on the substack Bill Emmott's Global View. It is republished here with kind permission.