Wabanaki leaders say proposed state recognition process could hinder sovereignty fight
As the Wabanaki Nations continue to push for the sovereignty afforded to other federally recognized tribes, some of their leaders are concerned that a separate, longstanding effort to establish a state recognition process could undermine that work.
But those who support creating this new path to recognition, including Republican legislators and some individual tribal members, argue the Wabanaki Nation's ongoing fight for self-determination shouldn't factor into their efforts.
The Wabanaki Nations — the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians, Mi'kmaq Nation, Passamaquoddy Tribe and Penobscot Nation — have federal recognition, which, in theory, gives them the right to self-govern and makes them entitled to certain benefits and federal protections.
However, the 1980 Maine Indian Claims Settlement Act has left the Wabanaki Nations with footing more akin to municipalities than independent nations. Overhauling that act is the fight for sovereignty Wabanki leaders and a growing number of bipartisan lawmakers have been pushing for years, though so far have only seen success with piecemeal change.
The Wabanaki Nations do not have state recognition, though that's not as abnormal. Some states have adopted state recognition processes, affording non-federally recognized tribes a path to official acknowledgement but in a way that doesn't afford the same sovereignty or access to resources.
That's the type of process state Rep. Jennifer Poirier (R-Skowhegan), along with several Republican co-sponsors, are trying to adopt in Maine.
LD 813 would establish a commission appointed by the governor to review applications for state recognition. Tribes who are granted recognition would remain subject to state laws but it wouldn't afford them the right to claim land or conduct gambling activities otherwise prohibited by law.
Though, Poirier said she hopes LD 813 becomes unnecessary because of her other bill, LD 812, which seeks to provide state recognition for a group called the Kineo St. John Tribe. That measure would afford such recognition without the processes detailed by the former bill.
This group, formerly under the name the Kineo Band of Malecite, another spelling for Maliseet, has pushed for this recognition for more than a decade but legislative attempts have so far failed.
'This feels like a step backwards,' Wabanaki Alliance Executive Director Maulian Bryant told Maine Morning Star about the state recognition attempt. 'We feel strongly about the validity of the federal process, and going through that. We don't want to complicate an already complicated situation that's been going on for over 40 years now while we're trying to make progress.'
When faced with these objections during the bills' public hearing in the Judiciary Committee on Wednesday, Poirier asked, 'When will the timing ever be right? Two years, 10 years, 50 years? This isn't a valid reason to deny recognition.'
Poirier and the co-sponsors of these bills — Reps. Joshua Morris of Turner, Shelley Rudnicki of Fairfield, David Boyer of Poland, and Chad Perkins of Dover-Foxcroft (who is only co-sponsoring LD 813) — have for the most part voted against proposals to amend the Settlement Act, though Boyer has supported certain changes.
They all opposed the most substantive change made so far last session through a law that now permits the Wabanaki Nations to prosecute more serious offenses committed on tribal territory by tribal members. These lawmakers varied in their support of another bill last session that would have allowed the Wabanaki Nations to benefit from more federal laws. Poirier, Morris and Perkins voted against the measure, while Boyer voted for it and Rudnicki was absent.
Poirier, Morris and Rudnicki voted against the last omnibus sovereignty bill considered on the floor in the 130th Legislature, LD 1626, while Perkins was absent. Boyer was not yet a representative.
The U.S. government historically granted federal recognition through treaties, acts of Congress or executive branch decisions. The regulatory process developed in 1978 created another path for recognition. .
'Federally recognized tribes are not recognized on our race as Indigenous people,' Bryant said. 'It's because of our political classifications.'
The regulatory process requires petitioning tribes to submit evidence that essentially shows that they have continuously existed as a tribe since historic times. The process often takes decades and requires considerable resources, both financial and through rigorous documentation.
The Passamaquoddy Tribe and Penobscot Nation gained federal recognition as a result of a 1975 court case, Passamaquoddy Tribe v. Morton, which established a trust relationship between the tribes and the federal government. It was the first step of the land settlement agreement of 1980, which then provided federal recognition to the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians. The Mi'kmaq Nation didn't receive federal recognition until 1991 after a long process of petitioning the U.S. government.
Federal recognition remains the primary way tribes are recognized but some states have adopted their own processes largely as a way to acknowledge a tribe's historic and cultural contributions.
However, some of these state processes have been criticized by federally recognized tribes for their comparative lack of rigor.
They have fallen under particular scrutiny after a Canadian tribe asserted groups afforded state recognition by Vermont are not Indigenous and are instead appropriating their identity and culture. Vermont is now considering a task force to reconsider past tribal recognition decisions by the state.
Bryant shared apprehension about such an outcome during the public hearing.
'The concerns within the Wabanaki Alliance are appropriating tribal identity and validity, maybe not the group in question right now [the Kineo tribe], but it could lead to groups down the road basically meeting a much lower threshold set by state government,' Bryant said.
Former Tribal Representative for the Houlton Band of Maliseet Indians David Slagger has been a vocal proponent of the state recognition effort since the first iteration of these bills in 2012 and has said he is a descendant of the Kineo Malecites.
On Wednesday, Slagger called the current process 'convoluted with politics and greed.' Instead, he said he wants to see a process that airs on the side of inclusion.
In her interview with Maine Morning Star, Bryant emphasized, 'We don't want to make this about the people involved. We really want to focus on the process.'
The state recognition process LD 813 seeks to establish would require tribes to submit documentation to a governor-appointed commission to prove several ways that the group is connected to the land that is now Maine and that its members are connected to one another, a model similar to that used in Vermont.
For example, this would include proving a majority of the applicant's members currently live in a specific geographic location in Maine and that a 'substantial number' of the applicant's members are related by kinship, specifically by tracing ancestry to a kinship group through genealogy or other methods.
The composition of the commission that would review documentation of these requirements was a key point of disagreement during the public hearing.
It would be made up of five members appointed by the governor based on the recommendations of the Chancellor of the University of Maine System. The bill states that these members must be residents of Maine for at least five years and, as a whole, should have different areas of expertise and live in different geographic regions.
Poirier told the committee this proposed composition is somewhat based on the process of other states as well as because the university has some experts on tribal history.
Bryant raised concern about the commission not including or collaborating with the Wabanaki Nations in making its determinations, which she argued could set a dangerous precedent of the state being the decider of who is Indigenous.
While Poirier said she isn't opposed to members of the Wabanki Nations being on the commission, she purposefully did not write the bill to require such representation, 'because that's what we've been running into for the past more than a decade now, that it's tribe against tribe,' referring to historic pushback from the Wabanaki Nations of state recognition of a separate Kineo tribe.
That tension is what Lisa Montgomery, a citizen of the Penobscot Nation who grew up on Indian Island, focused on in her testimony neither for nor against the bills.
'There have been intertribal tensions prior to European contact, and because of the European contact, which continues today,' Montgomery said. '… I ask that you consider these comments and give at least the opportunity for healthy dialogue around the recognition of all tribal people who can establish their presence in what is now called Maine.'
While testimony often focused on the idea of acknowledgement for legitimacy, funding would also be in play.
'The Kineo Tribe is not requesting state funding, land claims or jurisdictional authority or the right to conduct gaming,' Poirier said. 'They seek only state recognition, which would allow them to access grants for cultural preservation and economic development.'
The bill states that in addition to reviewing applications, the commission can accept funds from the state and federal government to be used for improving tribal social services, education, employment opportunities, health care, housing and cultural events.
Vermont's law has allowed its state-recognized tribes to receive federal grants, school scholarships, sell arts and crafts labeled as 'Indian produced,' and access free state hunting and fishing licenses and certain property tax exemptions.
'If the state wants to create tribes, will the state be on the hook for financial support for those tribes, or some sort of fiduciary relationship?' Bryant said. 'We know being involved in legislative politics that there's always this tension over the budget and always this push and pull over resources. So is the state willing to step up and fund these groups should they ask for that down the road?'
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NBC News
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Rick Huether, CEO of the Independent Can Company. Eric Kayne for NBC News Checkbook Chronicles Kicking the can down the road on tariffs won't work for this Maryland manufacturer Independent Can Company has raised prices twice this year already after Trump imposed 25% duties on steel in March, and then doubled them in June.
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The House is looking into the Epstein investigation. Here's what could happen next
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Boston Globe
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Competing conspiracy theories consume Trump's Washington
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Advertisement 'You're making a very big thing over something that's not a big thing,' he complained to reporters, suggesting, in his latest bid at conspiracy deflection, that instead of him, the news media should be looking at Epstein's other boldface friends like former president Clinton. 'Don't talk about Trump,' he said. Conspiracy theories have a long place in American history. Many Americans still believe that the moon landings were faked, that the 9/11 terrorist attacks were an inside job, or that the government is hiding proof of extraterrestrial visitors in Roswell, New Mexico. Sixty-five percent of Americans told Gallup pollsters in 2023 that they think there was a conspiracy behind the assassination of President Kennedy. Some conspiracy theories do turn out to be true, of course, or have some basis. But presidents generally have not been the ones spreading dubious stories. To the contrary, they traditionally have viewed their role as dispelling doubts and reinforcing faith in institutions. President Lyndon B. Johnson created the Warren Commission to investigate his predecessor's murder specifically to keep rumors and guesswork from proliferating. (Spoiler alert: It didn't.) Trump, by contrast, relishes conspiracy theories, particularly those that benefit him or smear his enemies without any evident care for whether they are true or not. 'There have been other conspiratorial political movements in the country's past,' said Geoff Dancy, a University of Toronto professor who teaches about conspiracy theories. 'But they have never occupied the upper echelons of power until the last decade.' Advertisement During the 2016 Republican primaries, Trump tied the father of one of his rivals, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas, to the Kennedy killing, citing a photograph with Lee Harvey Oswald. During Trump's hush money trial in New York last year, his onetime compatriot David Pecker of The National Enquirer acknowledged under oath that the whole thing was made up to damage Cruz and elect Trump. Unrepentant, Trump stuck to his false assertions about Obama's birthplace for years, only grudgingly admitting late in the 2016 campaign that his predecessor was in fact born in the United States. 'The president's repeated discussion of multiple conspiracy theories, most recently about the 2016 election, has no parallel in American politics,' said Meena Bose, director of the Peter S. Kalikow Center for the Study of the American Presidency at Hofstra University. Conspiracy theories are not the exclusive preserve of Trump and the political right. 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He suggested the nation's gold reserves at Fort Knox might be missing, resurrecting a decades-old fringe supposition, even though he would presumably be in position to know whether that was actually true, what with being president and all. 'If the gold isn't there, we're going to be very upset,' he told reporters. It fell to Scott Bessent, the decidedly nonconspiratorial Treasury secretary, to burst the bubble and reassure Americans that, no, the nation's reserves had not been stolen. 'All the gold is present and accounted for,' he told an interviewer. Trump has played to long-standing suspicions by ordering the release of hundreds of thousands of pages of documents related to the assassinations of Kennedy, his brother Robert F. Kennedy and the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr., an act of transparency for historians and researchers that may shed important light on those episodes. But Trump has gone beyond simple theory floating to make his own alternate reality official government policy. Some applicants for jobs in the second Trump administration were asked whether Trump won the 2020 election that he actually lost; those who gave the wrong answer were not helping their job prospects, forcing those rooted in facts to decide whether to swallow the fabrication to gain employment. The past week or so has seen a fusillade of Trumpian conspiracy theories, seemingly meant to focus attention away from the Epstein case. Tulsi Gabbard, the president's politically appointed intelligence chief, trotted out inflammatory allegations that Obama orchestrated a 'yearslong coup and treasonous conspiracy' by skewing the 2016 election interference investigation -- despite the conclusions of a Republican-led Senate report signed by none other than Marco Rubio, now Trump's secretary of state. She also claimed that Hillary Clinton was 'on a daily regimen of heavy tranquilizers' during the 2016 campaign. Advertisement Relying on this, Trump accused Obama of 'treason,' suggesting he should be locked up and going so far as to post a fake video showing his predecessor being handcuffed in the Oval Office and put behind bars. The idea of a president posting such an image of another president would once have been seen as a shocking breach of etiquette and corruption of the justice system, but in the Trump era it has become simply business as usual. For all that, the conspiracy theorist in chief has not been able to shake the Epstein case, which reflects the rise of the QAnon movement that believes America is run by a cabal of Satan-worshipping pedophiles. Most of the files, the ones that his attorney general told him include his name, remain unreleased, bringing together an unlikely alliance of MAGA conservatives and liberal Democrats. It was well known that Trump was friends with Epstein, although they later fell out. So it's not clear what his name being in the files might actually mean. But Trump is not one to back down. Asked last week about whether he had been told his name was in the files, Trump again pointed the finger of conspiracy elsewhere. 'These files were made up by Comey,' he told reporters, referring to James Comey, the FBI director he had fired more than two years before Epstein died in prison in 2019. 'They were made up by Obama,' he went on. 'They were made up by the Biden administration.' Advertisement The theories are endless. This article originally appeared in