
Kane County Board approves reallocation of federal pandemic relief funding, as deadline to spend it nears
In 2021, the American Rescue Plan Act, commonly called ARPA, authorized the Coronavirus State and Local Fiscal Recovery Funds, which delivered $350 billion to state, territorial, local and Tribal governments, according to the United States Treasury Department. The funds were intended to help these government entities and their residents recover from the effects of the pandemic, and could be used to respond to public health and economic impacts of the pandemic, invest in water and broadband internet infrastructure, provide 'premium pay' for essential workers and more.
Kane County received just over $100 million in total, and used the money over the past few years on COVID-19 contact tracing, grants for area nonprofit organizations, public safety projects, payroll reimbursements and infrastructure projects and expenses. In July, the county issued its 2024 report with updates on the county's use of these funds.
Local entities nationwide had until the end of 2024 to allocate the ARPA funds they received, according to the Treasury Department. The funds can be spent through the end of 2026, but can only go toward projects or services authorized before Dec. 31, 2024.
Tuesday's board approval means some of the funds set to expire next year in Kane County will be transferred from one ARPA-funded project to another. Several of the reallocations were voted on at the county's Executive Committee meeting last week and were then passed unanimously during Tuesday's County Board meeting, but three of the larger sums of money were passed Tuesday in split votes.
The resolutions which passed with split votes include three separate reallocations from the Kane County Circuit Clerk's microfilm archiving project, which set out to digitize court records to improve remote access, with the money going to a kitchen and laundry area improvement project at the Kane County Justice Center for just over $300,000, the county's administrative cost projection project in the amount of $120,000 and a technology improvement project at the 16th Judicial Circuit Court for roughly $17,500.
The reallocations passed unanimously as part of Tuesday's consent agenda at the meeting included, for example, reprogramming funds between several ARPA projects in the Kane County Environmental and Water Resources department, and a transfer of just under $10,000 to a pipe improvement project at the Kane County jail from the Kane County 16th Judicial Circuit Court Services' Probation Victim Services and Alliance Against Intoxicated Motorists projects.
In all, just under $500,000 in ARPA funding was reprogrammed to various projects on Tuesday, according to figures from the meeting agenda.
At Tuesday's board meeting, District 14 County Board member Jon Gripe said he was voting against the reallocations of funding because he thought that other board members and county entities outside the county's ARPA Committee – such as the Circuit Clerk's Office – were not sufficiently involved in the discussion of these measures.
'The people that the money is being removed from, if that's the case, need to be involved before the day of the meeting where we vote on this,' Gripe said on Tuesday.
Going forward, the County Board could authorize similar reprogramming of ARPA funding before the 2026 deadline to spend the money, a county spokesperson said. But these reallocations of ARPA funding and future ones cannot go toward new projects, only those authorized before Dec. 31, 2024.
In the years since the county began receiving the federal pandemic funding, it has pursued a variety of programs and capital projects. It gave out $755,000 in grants to food-growing businesses and organizations, with a focus on small farms and those addressing food insecurity, funded HVAC replacements in the county's jail and sheriff's office and proposed the construction of a new public health building, although the latter plan ultimately was shot down by the board.
But, with no more funds to allocate and a limited amount of time to spend what's left, the county continues to face financial challenges as it anticipates using up its reserve funds by 2027 or 2028 if revenue or expenses don't change before then. The board has previously said that pandemic-era funds were used to pay for some salaries in the county, as well as other programs and projects.
The board has been holding town halls about its sales tax referendum on the April 1 ballot, which has been touted as a possible solution to the county's future budget woes.
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2 hours ago
Beyond Harvard, conservative efforts to reshape higher education are gaining steam
Ken Beckley never went to Harvard, but he has been wearing a crimson Harvard cap in a show of solidarity. As he sees it, the Trump administration's attacks on the school echo a case of government overreach at his own alma mater, Indiana University. Beckley, a former head of the school's alumni association, rallied fellow graduates this spring in an unsuccessful effort to stop Gov. Mike Braun, a Republican, from removing three alumni-elected members from Indiana University's Board of Trustees and handpicking their replacements. No government effort to influence a university — private or public — has gotten more attention than the clash at Harvard, where the Trump administration has frozen billions of dollars in federal funding as it seeks a series of policy changes. But far beyond the Ivy League, Republican officials are targeting public universities in several states with efforts seeking similar ends. 'What's happened nationally is now affecting Indiana,' said Beckley, who bought Harvard caps in bulk and passes them out to friends. Officials in conservative states took aim at higher education before President Donald Trump began his second term, driven in part by the belief that colleges are out of touch — too liberal and loading up students with too much debt. The first efforts focused on critical race theory, an academic framework centered on the idea that racism is embedded in the nation's institutions, and then on diversity, equity and inclusion programs. Since Trump took office, officials in states including Indiana, Florida, Ohio, Texas, Iowa and Idaho increasingly have focused on university governance — rules for who picks university presidents and boards and how much control they exert over curriculums and faculty tenure. As at Harvard, which Trump has decried as overly influenced by liberal thinking, those state officials have sought to reduce the power of faculty members and students. 'They've realized that they can take a bit of a step further, that they can advance their policy priorities through those levers they have through the state university system,' said Preston Cooper, a senior fellow who studies higher education policy at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. In Indiana, Braun said he picked new trustees who will guide the school 'back in the right direction.' They include an anti-abortion attorney and a former ESPN host who was disciplined because she criticized the company's policy requiring employees to be vaccinated against COVID-19. Braun's administration has ramped up scrutiny of hiring practices at colleges statewide. Indiana's attorney general, Todd Rokita, has sent letters to the University of Notre Dame, Butler University and DePauw University questioning the legality of their DEI programs. Butler, a private, liberal arts school in Indianapolis, was founded by an abolitionist in the decade leading up to the Civil War and admitted women and students of color from the start. 'I hope that Butler will uphold the standards they were founded on,' said Edyn Curry, president of Butler's Black Student Union. In Florida, the state university system board in June rejected longtime academic Santa Ono for the presidency at the University of Florida, despite a unanimous vote of approval by the school's own Board of Trustees. The unprecedented reversal followed criticism from conservatives about Ono's past support for DEI programs. That followed the conservative makeover of New College of Florida, a small liberal arts school once known as the state's most progressive. After Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis appointed a group of conservatives to its governing board, many faculty left, including Amy Reid, who now manages a team focused on higher education at the free-expression group PEN America. 'When our students started organizing at New College, one of their slogans was 'Your Campus is Next,'' said Reid, who saw the gender studies program she directed defunded and then cut. 'So no, we're not surprised when you see other states redefining what can be in a general education class, because we've seen it happen already.' The changes at several public universities are proceeding without battles of the kind seen at Harvard. In a standoff seen widely as a test of private universities' independence, Harvard has filed lawsuits against the administration's moves to cut its federal funding and block its ability to host international students. In Iowa, new DEI restrictions are taking effect in July for community colleges. And the board that governs the state's three public universities is weighing doing something similar to Idaho, where a new law imposes restrictions on requiring students to take DEI-related courses to meet graduation requirements. Historically, the Iowa board has been focused on big-picture issues like setting tuition rates and approving degree programs. Now, there's a perceived sense that faculty should not be solely responsible for academic matters and that the trustees should play a more active role, said Joseph Yockey, a professor at the University of Iowa College of Law and the former president of Iowa's faculty senate. 'What we started to see more recently is trustees losing confidence,' Yockey said. A new law in Ohio bans DEI programs at public colleges and universities and also strips faculty of certain collective bargaining rights and tenure protections. There are few guardrails limiting how far oversight boards can change public institutions, said Isabel McMullen, a doctoral candidate at the University of Wisconsin who researches higher education. 'For a board that really does want to wreak havoc on an institution and overthrow a bunch of different programs, I think if a board is interested in doing that, I don't really see what's stopping them aside from students and faculty really organizing against it,' McMullen said. The initiatives on state and federal levels have led to widespread concerns about an erosion of college's independence from politics, said Isaac Kamola, director of the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom at the American Association of University Professors. 'They have to not only face an attack from the state legislature, but also from the federal government as well,' said Kamola, who is also a professor of political science at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. In Texas, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott signed a pair of bills in June that impose new limits on student protests and give gubernatorial-appointed boards that oversee the state's universities new powers to control the curriculum and eliminate degree programs. Cameron Samuels, executive director of Students Engaged in Advancing Texas, an advocacy group, said politicians in the state are taking control of universities to dictate what is acceptable. 'When someone controls the dissemination of ideas, that is a really dangerous sign for the future of democracy,' Samuels said. The 21-year-old who is transgender and nonbinary went to college in Massachusetts and got into Harvard for graduate school, but as the Trump administration began targeting the institution, he instead chose to return to his home state and attend the University of Texas in Austin. 'I at least knew what to expect,' he said.


Boston Globe
4 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Far beyond Harvard, conservative efforts to reshape higher education are gaining steam
Advertisement 'What's happened nationally is now affecting Indiana,' said Beckley, who bought Harvard caps in bulk and passes them out to friends. Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Officials in conservative states took aim at higher education before President Donald Trump began his second term, driven in part by the belief that colleges are out of touch — too liberal and loading up students with too much debt. The first efforts focused on critical race theory, an academic framework centered on the idea that racism is embedded in the nation's institutions, and then on diversity, equity and inclusion programs. Since Trump took office, officials in states including Indiana, Florida, Ohio, Texas, Iowa and Idaho increasingly have focused on university governance — rules for who picks university presidents and boards and how much control they exert over curriculums and faculty tenure. Advertisement As at Harvard, which Trump has decried as overly influenced by liberal thinking, those state officials have sought to reduce the power of faculty members and students. 'They've realized that they can take a bit of a step further, that they can advance their policy priorities through those levers they have through the state university system,' said Preston Cooper, a senior fellow who studies higher education policy at the conservative American Enterprise Institute. State officials push for more conservative leadership In Indiana, Braun said he picked new trustees who will guide the school 'back in the right direction.' They include an anti-abortion attorney and a former ESPN host who was disciplined because she criticized the company's policy requiring employees to be vaccinated against COVID-19. Braun's administration has ramped up scrutiny of hiring practices at colleges statewide. Indiana's attorney general, Todd Rokita, has sent letters to the University of Notre Dame, Butler University and DePauw University questioning the legality of their DEI programs. Butler, a private, liberal arts school in Indianapolis, was founded by an abolitionist in the decade leading up to the Civil War and admitted women and students of color from the start. 'I hope that Butler will uphold the standards they were founded on,' said Edyn Curry, president of Butler's Black Student Union. In Florida, the state university system board in June rejected longtime academic Santa Ono for the presidency at the University of Florida, despite a unanimous vote of approval by the school's own Board of Trustees. The unprecedented reversal followed criticism from conservatives about Ono's past support for DEI programs. That followed the conservative makeover of New College of Florida, a small liberal arts school once known as the state's most progressive. After Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis appointed a group of conservatives to its governing board, many faculty left, including Amy Reid, who now manages a team focused on higher education at the free-expression group PEN America. Advertisement 'When our students started organizing at New College, one of their slogans was 'Your Campus is Next,'' said Reid, who saw the gender studies program she directed defunded and then cut. 'So no, we're not surprised when you see other states redefining what can be in a general education class, because we've seen it happen already.' Changes have met limited resistance The changes at several public universities are proceeding without battles of the kind seen at Harvard. In a standoff seen widely as a test of private universities' independence, Harvard has filed lawsuits against the administration's moves to cut its federal funding and block its ability to host international students. In Iowa, new DEI restrictions are taking effect in July for community colleges. And the board that governs the state's three public universities is weighing doing something similar to Idaho, where a new law imposes restrictions on requiring students to take DEI-related courses to meet graduation requirements. Historically, the Iowa board has been focused on big-picture issues like setting tuition rates and approving degree programs. Now, there's a perceived sense that faculty should not be solely responsible for academic matters and that the trustees should play a more active role, said Joseph Yockey, a professor at the University of Iowa College of Law and the former president of Iowa's faculty senate. 'What we started to see more recently is trustees losing confidence,' Yockey said. Advertisement A new law in Ohio bans DEI programs at public colleges and universities and also strips faculty of certain collective bargaining rights and tenure protections. There are few guardrails limiting how far oversight boards can change public institutions, said Isabel McMullen, a doctoral candidate at the University of Wisconsin who researches higher education. 'For a board that really does want to wreak havoc on an institution and overthrow a bunch of different programs, I think if a board is interested in doing that, I don't really see what's stopping them aside from students and faculty really organizing against it,' McMullen said. Defenders of academic freedom see threats on several fronts The initiatives on state and federal levels have led to widespread concerns about an erosion of college's independence from politics, said Isaac Kamola, director of the Center for the Defense of Academic Freedom at the American Association of University Professors. 'They have to not only face an attack from the state legislature, but also from the federal government as well,' said Kamola, who is also a professor of political science at Trinity College in Hartford, Connecticut. In Texas, Republican Gov. Greg Abbott signed a pair of bills in June that impose new limits on student protests and give gubernatorial-appointed boards that oversee the state's universities new powers to control the curriculum and eliminate degree programs. Cameron Samuels, executive director of Students Engaged in Advancing Texas, an advocacy group, said politicians in the state are taking control of universities to dictate what is acceptable. 'When someone controls the dissemination of ideas, that is a really dangerous sign for the future of democracy,' Samuels said. The 21-year-old who is transgender and nonbinary went to college in Massachusetts and got into Harvard for graduate school, but as the Trump administration began targeting the institution, he instead chose to return to his home state and attend the University of Texas in Austin. Advertisement 'I at least knew what to expect,' he said.


Business Insider
4 hours ago
- Business Insider
Why Pre-Earnings Volatility Cannot Disrupt Moët Hennessy's (LVMH) Market Moat
Luxury and discounts rarely go hand in hand, but that's precisely the situation with LVMH Moët Hennessy Louis Vuitton (LVMUY), commonly known as LVMH. With a pivotal earnings call scheduled for Thursday this week, the stock is currently trading at historically low levels—a surprising development for a global luxury leader. Elevate Your Investing Strategy: Take advantage of TipRanks Premium at 50% off! Unlock powerful investing tools, advanced data, and expert analyst insights to help you invest with confidence. However, this valuation gap comes with valid explanations. The company has experienced revenue decline in recent years, accompanied by narrowing profit margins. This reflects a broader slowdown in luxury spending, particularly among Chinese consumers, as well as some erosion in pricing power for LVMH's premier brands. That said, from a qualitative standpoint, LVMH maintains a formidable competitive moat, underpinned by its industry-leading position and revenue diversification that outpaces its peers—factors that arguably support a premium valuation. As the company enters the second half of 2025, navigating a cautious recovery and aiming to reassure shareholders of its long-term growth potential while carefully managing pricing to preserve margins, the current cyclical downturn could offer a compelling entry point for long-term investors. With that in mind, I am maintaining a Buy rating on LVMUY. A Luxury Empire Beyond Louis Vuitton When investing in a company like LVMH, the bet is not on a single brand or product, but on a well-managed luxury suite that leverages diversification (from fashion and jewelry to cosmetics) and smart acquisitions (such as Tiffany & Co. and Dior) to generate returns that exceed the risk-free rate. From a bottom-up perspective, LVMH clearly possesses a wide economic moat as the global leader in the luxury sector. Its portfolio is anchored by some of the world's most iconic brands, supported by strong corporate governance. The Arnault family's control of approximately 48% of voting rights ensures aligned incentives, reinforcing a long-term focus on profitable growth across the organization. Luxury is naturally a cyclical segment, but with a twist: the ultra-wealthy continue to spend even during downturns, which makes the business model surprisingly resilient and gives it a degree of recurring demand. What truly sets LVMH apart from its peers, in my view, is the breadth and balance of its brand portfolio. Competitors like Kering (PPRUY), which heavily relies on Gucci, and Richemont (CFRUY), with its reliance on Cartier, derive nearly half of their revenues and about two-thirds of their operating profit from a single brand. In contrast, Louis Vuitton contributes only around a quarter of LVMH's total revenue and approximately half of its operating profit. This diversification makes LVMH structurally more resilient than its peers during downturns—as demonstrated during the COVID-19 shock in 2020 and the market volatility of 2022. Luxury's Cyclical Dip and a Slower Path Ahead As mentioned earlier, regarding the cyclicality of the luxury industry, LVMH's ADR is down more than 45% since reaching its all-time high in mid-2023. Over the last five years, LVMH grew its revenue by 34% in 2021, driven by post-COVID 'revenge spending,' with its share price riding the rebound. In 2022, revenue growth settled at 16%, and optimism carried into 2023 as markets bet big on a vast, sustained boost from China's reopening. But that surge never fully materialized. Chinese consumers proved to be more cautious than expected, weighed down by a real estate crisis and weak domestic confidence. At the same time, 'aspirational' buyers (middle-class) in Europe and the U.S. pulled back, resulting in only 12% revenue growth for LVMH in 2023, clearly marking a slowdown. Higher interest rates in 2023 and 2024 didn't help either. Premium- growth stocks like LVMH took a hit as the environment that once justified paying 35x earnings quickly faded. The result is now LVMH's ADR trading at more depressed levels, especially after revenue shrank by 7.8% in 2024. Looking ahead, the outlook is for growth to pick back up as early as 2025, with consensus expecting revenue to increase about 8.15% from last year and to average around 5% per year through 2026 and 2027. Still, this pace is far from the boom of the previous five years, and the bottom line is following suit, with operating margins down from a peak of 27% in 2023 to 23% today. Watching Margins and Valuation as Earnings Approach Unlike U.S. companies that report full profit and loss (P&L) statements every quarter, LVMH, like many big European firms, provides quarterly revenue updates but only discloses full profit details twice a year. The upcoming semi-annual earnings release is expected on July 24th. Based on hints from management during the company's Q1 earnings call, it has become clear that price hikes won't be used to drive top-line growth this time. Instead, for Q2, they've focused on pushing a sales mix with higher-ticket items. In my view, revenues will likely remain soft, but protecting margins remains a top priority. It's also worth noting that LVMH has tended to miss EPS expectations lately, having fallen short for five consecutive reporting periods. Lastly, considering valuations, LVMH currently trades at approximately 20.5x earnings—a slight premium to the industry average of 17x, but roughly 6.3% below its own historical average. This gap highlights the market's current caution regarding the company's growth story. Even so, LVMH is still delivering a return on invested capital of around 14%, although that's well below the 20.5% peak in 2023. In theory, with a reasonable WACC of 8–9%, considerable value is still being created despite these more typical returns. Still, the discounted multiple clearly shows that investors are pricing in this slower ROIC trajectory. Is LVMUY a Good Stock to Buy Now? As things stand, LVMH trades under two distinct tickers. One in the U.S. is listed as 'LVMUY' via over-the-counter (OTC) trading. However, most analysts are looking at LVMH's French stock listing when providing their period ratings, under the stock ticker ' MC '. LVMH stock carries a Moderate Buy consensus rating based on nine bullish and nine neutral ratings over the past three months. Not a single analyst is currently bearish on LVMH stock. Currently, LVMH's average stock price target stands at €570.92, implying ~22% upside from the latest share price. Cyclical Headwinds Indicate Value Creation Ahead for LVMH LVMH's recent weak performance fully reflects the cyclical nature of the luxury market, which has faced strong headwinds since 2023, mainly due to softer demand from Chinese consumers, only partially offset by steady but mature demand in Europe. Overall, luxury spending remains well below the levels seen during the post-COVID rebound. Looking ahead, LVMH still commands premium pricing power, and the group's moat as a diversified fashion and luxury conglomerate remains strong. I also expect margins to hold up reasonably well in the second half of this year, although they may come under some pressure from input costs and currency factors. In my view, LVMH is trading at multiples only slightly below its historical average, reflecting this current 'limbo' phase as investors wait for clearer signs of a gradual return to trend growth. That said, while the near-term story is one of stabilization, the long-term trend still points to solid value creation at today's prices. For this reason, I remain confidently Bullish on LVMH stock.