
Nearpay Becomes First Saudi Payments Fintech to Expand Into the US
Jul 01, 2025
Saudi-based payments infrastructure company Nearpay has officially launched operations in the United States, becoming the first Saudi fintech to establish a presence in the American market.
The move is being led by co-founder Ali Mroueh with technical oversight from partner Hamzah Al Ghamdi. Nearpay plans to bring its 'tap-to-phone' technology - software that turns any smartphone into a contactless point-of-sale - into a market where more than 80% of in-store card payments are already contactless.
'Our goal is to deliver the highest local and global technological value,' co-founder Mohammad Aleban said on X, adding that the company will leverage its Saudi-built tech stack to meet US demand for streamlined, hardware-light payment solutions.
Nearpay's expansion follows a string of regional milestones: the company processed over 40 million transactions in 2024 and secured Payment Card Industry (PCI CPoC) certification, allowing merchants to accept Visa, Mastercard, and American Express payments without traditional terminals. In December 2023, Nearpay raised $14 million in a series A funding round led by Sanabil Investments.
By entering the US, Nearpay joins a competitive field that includes Square and SoftPOS providers like Stripe Terminal and Fiserv's Clover. Management says the company will target small retailers and service businesses looking to cut hardware costs while adding multi-currency acceptance.
Nearpay's US launch underscores a broader trend of Gulf fintechs looking to export home-grown solutions. It also aligns with Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 goal of boosting non-oil exports and positioning local tech champions on the global stage.
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Tehran's recent decision to bar IAEA inspectors only deepened US suspicions. Hardliners in the Trump administration interpret Iran's refusal to forgo enrichment as undeniable evidence of bad faith. Reflecting these internal divisions, Senator Lindsey Graham emphasised in the newspaper Israel Hayom that future talks must rest on three core demands: Iran must renounce nuclear weapons, end all enrichment, even for civilian use, and overhaul its regional policies, including support for proxy forces in Lebanon, Iraq, and Yemen. Graham also insisted that Iran recognise Israel's right to exist. Graham suggested that the recent strikes strengthened Israel's position, arguing that the Gulf states were now better positioned to push for a broader peace. He even speculated that Lebanon and Syria could soon join the normalisation wave with Israel. However, Iran and the US remain at odds on what regional stability should look like. Washington insists that Iran scale back its missile programme and withdraw support for regional proxies. Iran, conversely, sees these as pillars of national defence and strategic deterrence. These are not tactical disputes: they are diametrically opposed worldviews on power, legitimacy, and sovereignty in the region. 'We have received indirect messages from Washington, conveyed through regional intermediaries,' the Iranian politician said, 'outlining a clear set of conditions: if Iran renounces its nuclear ambitions, halts enrichment, restricts its missile programme, and changes its regional posture, then sanctions might be lifted.' But he criticised the imbalance in expectations. 'These demands are met with deafening silence regarding Israel's own obligations. There is no mention of a Palestinian state, no end to the genocide in Gaza, and no talk of Israeli withdrawal from occupied Lebanese and Syrian lands or of Israel's own nuclear arsenal.' 'It feels less like an invitation to peace,' he concluded, 'and more like a demand for surrender, an arrangement devoid of mutual respect or any shared vision for collective security.' Domestic politics on both sides further inhibit diplomacy. In Iran, the postwar climate has bolstered hardliners. Parliament swiftly passed legislation suspending all nuclear cooperation with the IAEA, reinforcing the belief that engagement with the West only leads to betrayal. In the US, Trump's foreign policy continues to be shaped less by strategic planning and more by his desire to project strength. His flirtation with outreach to Iran may have been a trial balloon quickly grounded by backlash from within his administration and base. The path to improved relations is precarious. Iran is reportedly rebuilding its centrifuge infrastructure, with satellite imagery showing renewed activity at Fordow and Natanz. Still, scenarios for limited diplomacy persist. Iran could permit conditional IAEA access under revised terms, while the US might offer phased sanctions relief tied to verifiable enrichment limits. A stricter successor to the JCPOA remains possible though unlikely. The European nations, particularly France, Germany, and the UK, are actively seeking a diplomatic compromise, worried that any failure to do so could reignite full-scale conflict among Iran, Israel, and the US within months. In Israel, officials interpret the ceasefire not as a conclusion but as the start of a more dangerous chapter. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has portrayed what he sees as a 'victory' over Iran as a launching point for expanding peace agreements with the Arab states. As part of this regional initiative, US Ambassador to Turkey and Special Envoy to Syria Thomas Barak is reportedly working to normalise relations between Israel and Syria, now under Interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa. Barak has voiced cautious optimism about a potential breakthrough. However, Israeli officials led by Defence Minister Israel Katz and Foreign Minister Gideon Sa'ar remain firm on maintaining sovereignty over the Golan Heights, buffer zones in Daraa and Quneitra, and the strategic Mount Hermon. These positions have triggered anger in Tehran, which views them as a ploy to extract sweeping political concessions after a military stalemate. 'How can such a disruption of the regional equilibrium be tolerated,' the Iranian politician asked. 'The American-Israeli vision demands absolute Israeli dominance across the Middle East. It implies the permanent annexation of Syrian and Lebanese lands, the erasure of Palestinian statehood, the mass displacement of Palestinians, and the dismantling of Iran's strategic deterrence. And in exchange, what does Israel offer? Nothing.' As it stands, the ideological divide between the US and Iran – resistance versus containment, sovereignty versus hegemony – remains unbridgeable. Any grand bargain, however enticing in theory, is stymied by entrenched narratives, regional rivalries, domestic pressures, and a deep mistrust that diplomacy alone cannot dissolve. The road ahead is littered with obstacles: crippling sanctions that fuel Iranian defiance, a maze of proxy wars, and fundamentally opposed visions of the future of the Middle East. The stakes are high. The urgency is undeniable. And yet, the elusive 'grand bargain' that could redefine the region remains little more than a mirage glimmering on the diplomatic horizon and always just out of reach. * A version of this article appears in print in the 3 July, 2025 edition of Al-Ahram Weekly Follow us on: Facebook Instagram Whatsapp Short link: