Questions grow over unprecedented illegal firearms seizure in Jamaica
More than a week after the police and customs said they had intercepted 233 illegal rifles and handguns and more than 40,000 rounds of ammunition, the government has remained tight-lipped about the details of the find, arguing that revealing more information would hamper a sensitive cross-border investigation into their origin and the identity of those involved.
According to unconfirmed local reports, the guns and ammunition were discovered inside an industrial-sized water heater at a warehouse in the country's capital, Kingston.
Announcing the seizure in a hastily organised press conference, the deputy prime minister and minister of security, Horace Chang, told journalists that the operation was 'reported a bit early'. Chang refused to give details of the operation, telling reporters that 'the more we talk about it, the less likely we are to find' those responsible, adding: 'In fact, too much information [has] already gone out.'
Jason McKay, a criminologist, said that Jamaica – which is already battling high homicide rates linked to gun trafficking from the US – should be treating the discovery of 'enough guns to fight a government' as a crisis.
'You could literally arm a small army with that. At this point in time, our sovereignty is in question,' he said. 'That much guns and ammunition falling into any environment could cause mayhem. If you were to drop that much guns and ammunition into London, you could change the culture of London crime. So it has to be looked at as a crisis.'
The government has hailed the gun find as a product of a $50bn (£37bn) investment in security and efforts to tackle organised crime.
Andrew Holness, Jamaica's prime minister, told reporters it was the result of improvements in resources for the Jamaica Customs Agency, improved partnerships with international partners and 'significant investment' in scanning technology.
Holness also avoided details, saying the weapons had been discovered with scanning technology and predicting that increased interdiction would reduce the supply of guns in Jamaica. 'The investigations are ongoing, and I am certain that our security forces will track down, along with our international partners, those who were responsible for this,' he said.
Last year the New York attorney general, Letitia James, announced new measures and legislation to tackle gun trafficking from the US to the Caribbean. James quoted Jamaican government estimates that at least 200 guns are trafficked into the country from the US every month, and said that the weapons are fuelling violent crime and enabling networks that traffic drugs to the US.
The Jamaican government also pointed to a historic 43% drop in murders since last year. 'That means we have a reduction of … [about] 210 murders compared to the period last year, that is, January to May. This is the lowest rate of homicide in the island since 1991,' Chang told reporters.
Kamina Johnson Smith, the foreign minister, said the strong crime reduction trend has resulted in the US upgrading Jamaica's travel advisory from level three, which urges travellers to 'reconsider your travel to the destination due to serious risks to safety and security'. Jamaica's advisory, she said, is now at level two – the same as 'much larger and more developed countries' such as Spain and the UK.
'This improvement is a timely acknowledgment of Jamaica's continued progress in enhancing public safety, as well as the travel experience for visitors,' she added.
However, while McKay has lauded the 'amazing' reduction in crime, he has called for 'extreme measures' to deal with the rising number of guns being trafficked. He said: 'Of course, the police are doing their best to recover them, but if they're going to come in at this rate, then it's not going to be quantifiable. You have to do something drastic at this point.'
The criminologist said that capital punishment should be considered. 'Jail time isn't enough for somebody who's importing 220 guns. It's more than them just endangering one person's life or two [people's lives]; they're endangering the entire society's life in Jamaica,' he said.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
USA Today
2 days ago
- USA Today
I'm the daughter of Haitian immigrants. Trump's cruelty is personal.
For the children of Haiti – and for children everywhere – we must act now. Their futures, and our collective humanity, depend on it. The images emerging from California – raids by Immigration and Customs Enforcement spiraling into chaos, immigrant families fleeing their homes and National Guard troops confronting peaceful protesters – are chilling reminders of how far we've strayed from the democratic values we claim to uphold. This is not the America I know. This is not the America we aspire to be. We are a nation built on justice, compassion and the unwavering belief that every person deserves dignity and respect. What's happening in Los Angeles betrays those principles. Deploying more than 4,000 National Guard troops and 700 Marines – without a formal request from state and Los Angeles officials – is a dangerous overreach. It risks escalating tensions and suppressing the constitutional right to protest. What we need is leadership that listens – not one that responds to fear with force. In South Florida, immigration isn't some abstract debate. It's personal. Our region is home to vibrant Haitian, Jamaican, Venezuelan, Cuban and Central American communities. These are our nurses, pastors, teachers, small business owners and caregivers. They keep our economy strong and our neighborhoods thriving. That's why the renewed Trump-era travel restriction targeting countries like Haiti, Venezuela and Cuba feels like more than bad policy – it feels like a direct attack on the people who make South Florida strong. Opinion: Trump's immigration plans could make your status meaningless Trump's travel ban endangers Haitian families As the proud daughter of Haitian immigrants, I've seen both the strength of our people and the pain caused by unjust policies. The Trump-era travel restriction is a cruel attack on Haitian families – ripping children from their parents, delaying dreams and denying basic opportunities for safety, education and health care. This ban has blocked countless children from reuniting with loved ones who were already approved to bring them to the United States. It's not just policy – it's personal. It's a direct blow to Haiti's future and a moral failure. Haiti's children deserve more than borders that separate them from their families – they deserve hope, dignity and a future filled with opportunity. They deserve to dream without limitations, to grow up without fear ‒ without the shadow of unjust policies keeping them apart. No child should ever have to wonder when – or if – they'll see their parents again. We must stand with Haitian families and fight for a future where children are free to thrive – unconfined by political barriers and uplifted by the promise of unity and justice. For the children of Haiti – and for children everywhere – we must act now. Their futures, and our collective humanity, depend on it. What's worse, there is no credible evidence that Haitians or others named in the ban pose a national security threat. These decisions don't make us safer. They separate families, destabilize communities and undermine our commitment to fairness and inclusion. To make matters worse, Temporary Protected Status (TPS) has been revoked for countries like Haiti without the required assessment that conditions have improved. At the same time, visa access is being restricted under claims of national security. These contradictory actions reveal the cruel intent behind these policies. Haitians are a major part of South Florida's economy According to the American Immigration Council, immigrants in Florida contribute about $100 billion to our state's economy each year. Haitian Americans are the backbone of health care, hospitality and construction. They open businesses, pay taxes and raise the next generation of Floridians. That's not charity – it's economic common sense. Opinion: Don't listen to Trump's lies. Haitian chef explains country's rich culinary tradition. But we must also confront how our immigration system treats people – especially in federal custody. After visiting the Broward Transitional Center in Pompano Beach following the tragic death in April of Marie Ange Blaise, I was alarmed. Medical staffing was inadequate. Detainees reported delays in care. And staff met us with hostility – not transparency. If taxpayer-funded facilities aren't meeting basic standards of care, we must ask why – and we must demand better. Finally, we must oppose efforts in the budget reconciliation language to impose a 3.5% tax on remittances – money immigrants send to support loved ones abroad. This is not just wrong – it's illegal. It amounts to double taxation, punishing people for caring for their families. First, they cut foreign aid. Now they're taxing compassion. What's next? Here in South Florida, we know how to build bridges across cultures. We value decency and dialogue. We believe immigration policy can reflect both national security and human dignity. That means rejecting discriminatory travel restrictions. It means restoring transparency and oversight in detention centers. And it means investing in a fair, humane immigration system. I remain committed to fighting for policies that reflect our values and protect the communities that make South Florida – and America – strong. Immigrants help build this country every day. Our politics should honor that truth. Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick represents Florida's 20th Congressional District. She is a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee and cochair of the Haiti Caucus. This column originally published in the Palm Beach Post.
Boston Globe
5 days ago
- Boston Globe
Carolyn McCarthy, who turned a gunman's massacre into a crusade, dies at 81
Get Starting Point A guide through the most important stories of the morning, delivered Monday through Friday. Enter Email Sign Up Then she saw one of her brothers. In that era before smartphones, he was the one who broke the news that was hours old but unknown to her: Dennis, 52, her husband of nearly 27 years, was dead. Kevin, 26, had been shot in the head and left to fight for his life. Advertisement Father and son both worked for Prudential Securities, a financial services firm in Manhattan. They were heading home together that evening on the 5:33 Long Island Rail Road train out of Pennsylvania Station. As the train approached the Merillon Avenue Station, one stop from Mineola, a Jamaican immigrant on board, Colin Ferguson, reached into a bag, pulled out a 9 mm semiautomatic gun with a 15-round magazine and began firing. After emptying one ammo clip, he inserted another and emptied it, too. Finally, as he tried to reload once more, three passengers overpowered him. Advertisement The devastation was thorough. Five people in addition to Dennis McCarthy were dead. Eighteen were wounded besides Kevin McCarthy, whom hospital doctors gave slim odds of survival. On learning what happened, Carolyn McCarthy slumped to her front steps. 'I just started screaming a little bit,' she recalled in an interview for this obituary in 2014. 'And then,' she continued, 'I said, 'OK, let's get to the hospital.'' The resolve that she so quickly displayed would become familiar to -- and widely admired by -- people across Long Island and much of the country. The woman who rose from those front steps was soon to turn herself into a determined advocate for measures to rein in the country's horrific gun violence. But tending to her stricken son came first. She refused to accept that he would not live. She had been a licensed practical nurse for 30 years, working in emergency rooms and on many hopeless cases. 'I took care of patients when nobody else would take care of them,' she said. She was right about Kevin. Against steep odds, he pulled through and returned to work, albeit paralyzed on his left side, unable to perform simple tasks such as lacing his shoes. Velcro tabs kept them bound. In short order, Ms. McCarthy threw herself into gun-control advocacy, though not at first with any thought of running for elective office. 'All of a sudden, I had a voice,' she recalled in 2014. Advertisement Allies in the struggle for gun laws described her as tireless. 'She would, on the shortest of notice, devote herself to do a press conference, do an interview,' said Richard M. Aborn, president of the Citizens Crime Commission of New York City. In the mid-1990s, he was president of Handgun Control Inc., now called the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence. He added: 'She never said, 'Why?' She said, 'Where?' and 'When?'' Ms. McCarthy also emerged as a spokesperson for Ferguson's victims at his trial, in which his lawyers initially tried to argue that he had been driven temporarily insane by 'Black rage,' a condition induced, they said, by racial injustice. Ferguson insisted on running his own defense, which involved ranting about supposed conspiracies against him and hectoring his victims when they testified. In February 1995, he was convicted of multiple counts of murder and attempted murder and sentenced to 315 years in a state prison. With that, Ms. McCarthy was done with him. 'You will be gone from my thoughts forever,' she said to her husband's killer at a presentencing hearing. 'And we will learn to laugh again. But you will not.' The Long Island Rail Road massacre -- Ms. McCarthy never called it that; for her, it was always 'the incident' -- helped lead to a 1994 federal law banning 19 kinds of semiautomatic weapons and the type of high-capacity magazine that gave Ferguson more time to keep shooting without having to reload. That law was allowed to expire in 2004. But congressional Republicans tried to overturn it well before then. One of them was Representative Daniel Frisa, from New York's Fourth Congressional District, in Nassau County, which was Ms. McCarthy's district. Frisa's vote in 1996 to repeal the so-called assault-weapons ban infuriated her. Someone had to take him on, she said. Advertisement And so she did. When she first ran for Congress, Ms. McCarthy turned reflexively to Long Island's Republican leaders, but they had no stomach for a divisive primary. Democrats were interested, though, among them Richard Gephardt, the House minority leader. Ms. McCarthy was so unfamiliar with Washington back then that she later recounted how 'a guy named Dick Gephardt called me -- didn't know who he was.' On a May morning in 1996, she formally announced that she would run against Frisa on the Democratic line (although she remained a registered Republican until 2003). With Kevin at her side, she faced news gatherers in front of her Mineola house. This was where she had lived since 1952, when her parents, Thomas and Irene Cook, moved from Brooklyn with their five children, including 8-year-old Carolyn. It was where she and Dennis were married, where she held a funeral reception for him and where she remained until 2015, when she moved to Florida. She had a prepared speech that morning, but she tossed it aside after a fumbling attempt to read it. This was not theatrics. She had dyslexia, a condition that she did not discuss publicly at the time but would do so often in later years. In the 1996 campaign, Ms. McCarthy became a popular presence: a political rookie at age 52, with hair tied in the back, bangs covering her forehead, a manner anything but slick and an accessibility as apparent as the flaming-red jacket that became her signature garment. Frisa waved her off as a Janie One Note, focused solely on guns. She didn't care. Advertisement 'Everyone that ever ran against me always said, 'She's only a one-issue candidate,'' she said in 2014. 'I said, 'Yeah, but at least I've got an issue.' And by the way, I'm a woman. There's no such thing as a woman having one issue.' That November, she won convincingly, 57 percent to 41 percent. Triumph turned her into a national figure. NBC made a 1998 movie about her odyssey from nurse to a member of Congress: 'The Long Island Incident.' McCarthy would be reelected eight times, on occasion by slender margins but for the most part handily enough. Winning elections, though, proved to be the easy part. Much harder was passing the laws she wanted. She learned that lesson right away. For instance, she sought to have child-safety locks required for all handguns. 'It is a simple safety lock,' she pleaded to the full House in 1997. 'We have bills that make it impossible for children to get into an aspirin bottle. Do my colleagues not think we should do the same thing with a gun?' But leaders of both parties, notably in the Republican majority, refused to attach her proposal to a juvenile-justice bill. Ms. McCarthy did not disguise her frustration. 'You couldn't talk to me for two days,' she said in June 1997. She had learned firsthand the power of the National Rifle Association. 'There are a lot of members who are just afraid to take that vote,' she said. Time and again, the outcome would be the same. Whether the issue was restoring an assault-weapons ban after the 1994 law expired, or limiting the capacity of ammunition magazines, or requiring parents to store guns safely at home, or opposing legislation that shielded firearms manufacturers and dealers from liability lawsuits, Ms. McCarthy landed on the losing side. During all but four of her 18 years in the House, Republicans were in control, averse to gun regulation in almost any form. Some Democrats were no different. Advertisement She allowed that the repeated defeats could get her down. She also received death threats, some deemed serious enough for her to have police protection at public appearances. But, she said in 2014, 'I never gave up.' Peter T. King, a former Republican member of Congress from Long Island, said that as the years passed, Ms. McCarthy came to accept Washington's realities. 'She didn't accept the result,' he said, 'but she accepted the fact that it was going to be a long, hard fight.' She did have one notable success: legislation to improve the system of background checks on potentially ineligible gun buyers, such as felons and the mentally ill. In January 2008, President George W. Bush signed this McCarthy-sponsored bill into law. Other issues also mattered to her, including improving health care for the young and the elderly, fortifying environmental protections for Long Island Sound, and providing federal funds for the early detection of dyslexia. But she did not delude herself about what accounted for her prominence. 'I will never walk away from being called the gun lady,' she said in 2014, the year she announced she would not seek a 10th term. By then, having turned 70 and recovering from cancer, she decided that someone younger should be the go-to person for news reporters and others looking for comment as the nation's gun horrors continued unabated, a grim litany of place names: Columbine, Aurora, Virginia Tech, Sandy Hook. Sometimes, the carnage overwhelmed her. 'I think the one that hit me the most personally was Gabby Giffords, when she was shot,' she said in the 2014 interview, referring to Gabrielle Giffords, the Arizona member of Congress who was shot in the head in 2011 during a public appearance in Tucson but survived. 'She was shot just like Kevin,' Ms. McCarthy said. 'I probably never stopped crying for three days, because it brought back so many memories of what Kevin went through, what we went through, what the other victims went through. 'And I said, 'Surely, one of our own, they're going to do something.' No. Nothing.' This article originally appeared in
The Hill
6 days ago
- The Hill
US soldier's son, born on Army base in Germany, is deported to Jamaica
(KTLA) — A man born to an active-duty member of the United States military on an Army base in Germany in 1986 before coming to the states as a child was deported last week to Jamaica, a country he's never been to, according to a report by The Austin Chronicle. Jermaine Thomas, whose Jamaican-born dad became a U.S. citizen during his 18-year military career, spent much of his early life moving from base to base with his father and mother, the latter a citizen of Kenya at the time of his birth. At 11 years old, after his parents' divorce and his mother's second marriage to another soldier, he went to live with his father, who had since retired, in Florida. Unfortunately, his father passed away in 2010 from kidney failure shortly after Thomas had arrived. Much of his life after that, The Chronicle reported, was spent in Texas, homeless and in and out of jail. It's unclear when exactly Thomas was first ordered to leave the country, but court records from 2015 show a case that went all the way to the Supreme Court, in which the U.S. Department of Justice argued that he was not a citizen simply because he was born on a U.S. Army base in Germany. The Supreme Court ruled in favor of the DOJ, upholding the U.S. Court of Appeals decision and denied Thomas' petition for a review of the deportation order, saying in part that 'his father did not meet the physical presence requirement of the statute in force at the time of Thomas's birth.' The court also noted Thomas' prior criminal convictions, one for domestic violence and two 'crimes involving moral turpitude.' Without U.S., German or Jamaican citizenship, Thomas was stateless, though he remained in the states, most recently living in Killeen, a city about an hour north of Austin. He told The Chronicle that deportation to Jamaica started with an eviction from his apartment. While moving his belongings out of the apartment, he was arrested by local police on suspicion of trespassing, a misdemeanor in Texas. Told by a court-appointed lawyer that he'd likely stay in jail for the better part of a year while waiting for a trial, Thomas, who had lost his job while in lockup, signed a release agreement with certain conditions, but instead of being released from Bell County Jail, he was transferred to an Immigration and Customs Enforcement detention camp just north of Houston, where he was detained for two and a half months. Now in Kingston, he told The Chronicle he's living in a hotel, though he's unsure who is paying for it, the U.S. or Jamaican government, and does not know how long he'll be able to stay there. Unsure how to get a job or if he's even allowed, Thomas added that he's unsure if it's even legal for him to be in the country at all. 'If you're in the U.S. Army, and the Army deploys you somewhere, and you've got to have your child over there, and your child makes a mistake after you pass away, and you put your life on the line for this country, are you going to be okay with them just kicking your child out of the country?' Thomas said in a phone call with the outlet's reporter. Neither ICE nor the Department of Homeland Security responded to The Chronicle's request for comment.
