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The National
15 minutes ago
- The National
The Khor Abdullah waterway: Navigation deal or border surrender?
A 2012 agreement between Iraq and Kuwait regulating navigation in the shared Khor Abdullah waterway has triggered intense debate inside Iraq ever since, with critics warning it blurs maritime boundaries and threatens national sovereignty. Some opponents are calling to annul the deal, while others support renegotiation to safeguard Iraq's rights. Meanwhile, Kuwait maintains that its maritime boundary with Iraq, including navigation rights in Khor Abdullah, is firmly grounded in international law. Kuwaiti officials have repeatedly stressed that any attempt to revoke this agreement unilaterally is invalid and unacceptable. The Kuwaiti Ministry of Foreign Affairs has lodged formal protests and called on Iraq to honour its commitments under binding international treaties, reaffirming Kuwait's sovereignty over its territorial waters and its right to shared navigation in Khor Abdullah. The issue of land and maritime borders between Iraq and Kuwait is highly sensitive among Iraqis with many viewing the border demarcation unfairly imposed by the US Security Council after driving Saddam Hussein 's army out of its neighbour in 1991 and say the country's weakened state at the time was exploited. It is equally sensitive from the Kuwaiti point of view due to the 1990 invasion, with concerns about Iraqi over-reach. The controversy has pitted Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al Sudani against the public, with critics accusing him of compromising the country's rights to Kuwait to secure regional support as he eyes a second term in office in November's national election. Some have gone as far as accusing Iraqi officials involved in the border negotiations of receiving bribes from Kuwait, without providing substantial evidence. Both Iraq and Kuwait claim exclusive ownership of the narrow canal, which curves around Kuwait's Bubiyan and Warba islands on one side and Iraq's Al Faw Peninsula on the other. Iraqis say it is named after a famous Basra fisherman, Abdullah Al Timimi, while Kuwaitis say its name derives from the second ruler of Kuwait, Abdullah bin Sabah, who ruled from 1762 to 1814. In early 2022, Iraq closed off the chapter of Kuwait compensation, paying its final war reparations, settling the $52.4 billion of claims made for damage inflicted during the 1990 invasion. What is the agreement and its purpose? Three years after Iraq's invasion of Kuwait in 1990, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 833, which determined the land border between the two. However, the delineation of the maritime border was left to the countries themselves. In 2012, Baghdad and Kuwait signed the agreement and it was ratified in 2013 by the parliament in Baghdad. It aimed to regulate maritime traffic, environmental protection and safety within the estuary that forms Iraq's only gateway to the Arabian Gulf. The deal gives each country the right to control navigation and safety enforcement. It stipulates that the agreement 'shall remain in effect indefinitely' but can be mutually terminated with six months' notice. This also applies to amending it. Critics' arguments Critics – mainly legislators, independent politician and experts – argue that the terms of the accord implicitly draw a boundary, warning it could prejudice future maritime border negotiations and impose access controls on Iraqi ships, requiring Kuwaiti approval and fees. Amir Abdul Jabar, who served as transport minister from 2008 to 2010 and is one of the strongest opponents of the agreement, argues it is meant to delineate a maritime border rather than regulate navigation. Although the accord states that the agreement 'shall have no effect upon the boundary' between Iraq and Kuwait as demarcated pursuant to the UN Security Council Resolution 833 in 1993 at the creek, it gives Kuwait more control beyond that deep in the Gulf, Mr Abdul Jabar said. Article 2 of the agreement explains the term 'waterway' as the area from the point where the maritime channel at Khor Abdullah meets the international boundary between the points 156 and 157 heading south to the point 162 set by the Resolution 833 'thence to the beginning of the maritime channel at the entrance to Khor Abdullah'. 'So, the definition of the waterway in the agreement didn't stop at the 162 point – the one set by the UN Security General resolution,' Mr Abdul Jabar said. Article 4 stipulates that 'each party shall exercise its sovereignty over that part of the waterway which lies within its territorial water'. The essence of the objection, Mr Abdul Jabar said, is that it must not be applied on the area beyond the point 162 as Article 2 stipulates. 'How is it possible to divide the area beyond the point 162?' Mr Abdul Jabar said. 'We are not objecting to the [833] resolution even though it's unfair, but the government and parliament of 2012-2013 brought a new disaster [in signing this deal],' he added, warning that Iraq could lose future maritime entitlement to deeper Gulf waters and its natural resources known as the Exclusive Economic Zone. Mr Abdul Jabar had filed a lawsuit against Mr Al Sudani for 'blocking the court's ruling', by refusing to have copies of it deposited to the UN and the International Maritime Organisation. Ruling and controversy In September 2023, Iraq's Federal Supreme Court invalidated the law ratifying the agreement, ruling that it violated the Iraqi Constitution by lacking the required two thirds parliamentary majority for international treaties. Parliament had passed it by simple majority only. Shortly after the ruling, the GCC and US issued a joint statement in which they called on the Iraqi government to 'ensure that the agreement remains in force'. The Iraqi government has assured Kuwait that Iraq is committed to all its international agreements. Afterwards, Mr Al Sudani and President Abdul Latif Rashid have independently sought to reverse the ruling. These requests were withdrawn early this month and the agreement was sent back to parliament to approve in a two-thirds majority. It was a sigh of relief for the opponents. Many of them are now asking to annul the agreement by rejecting it inside parliament, while others are seeking to renegotiate it with an Iraqi team including experts, not only politicians. Protests across Iraq have continued, to reject the agreement in its current form. A public campaign is also set to be launched to collect signatures for a petition for the UN Security Council. Fadi Al Shammari, a political adviser to Mr Al Sudani, confirmed the Khor Abdullah agreement aims to regulate navigation and has nothing to do with border demarcation. 'Iraqi land is sacred, and there will be no leniency or compromise over any inch of it under any pretext,' Mr Al Shammari said, claiming that campaigns opposing the agreement are 'driven by political and electoral agendas'. Iraqis are divided about the agreement, although many of the Iran-backed political parties and armed groups are echoing the government stance. In an interview with a local satellite channel in May, the leader of the Asaib Ahl Al Haq group, Qais Al Khazali, blamed Saddam Hussein's banned Baath party for seeking to discredit the agreement by portraying it as 'giving up Iraq's borders with Kuwait'. 'Saddam was the one who sold it [the border] when he recognised resolution 833", a UN motion which set the land and maritime borders, he said. It is still unclear if the parliament will ratify the agreement or whether it will be left to the next parliament after national elections in November national elections. Kuwait is also in dispute with Iran over their maritime border and Al Durra offshore gasfield in the Arabian Gulf. Kuwait and Saudi Arabia say they have 'exclusive rights' to Al Durra and called on Iran to validate its claim by demarcating its maritime borders. Iran previously claimed a stake in the field and said a Kuwaiti-Saudi agreement signed last year to develop the field was illegal.
Khaleej Times
5 hours ago
- Khaleej Times
India: Some reports on Nimisha Priya 'incorrect' authority says; execution 'postponed'
The Ministry of External Affairs on Friday confirmed that Indian national Nimisha Priya's execution in Yemen has been postponed, urging the public and media to stay away from unverified reports and misinformation circulating on the case. MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal stated that the government is providing all possible assistance to Priya and her family, working closely with local authorities and friendly governments to resolve the issue. During the weekly briefing, MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal responded to ANI's question, saying, "This is a sensitive matter. The Government of India has been extending all possible assistance in the case. As a result of our concerted efforts, the sentencing has been postponed. We continue to follow the matter closely and provide all possible assistance." The execution, initially scheduled for July 16, was postponed following diplomatic interventions and negotiations led by the Indian government. Jaiswal clarified that reports claiming her death sentence has been completely overturned are incorrect. "We are also in touch with some friendly governments on the issue... Reports claiming that there have been certain developments are incorrect. Please wait for an update from us. We urge all sides to stay away from misinformation," he said. Nimisha Priya, a 37-year-old nurse from Kerala, was convicted of murdering her business partner, Talal Abdo Mahdi, in 2017. She was sentenced to death in 2020, with the verdict upheld by Yemen's Supreme Judicial Council in November 2023. On July 17, Jaiswal had also noted that the Indian government had appointed a lawyer to assist Priya's family in navigating the complex legal process under Yemen's Sharia law. The government has also arranged regular consular visits and continues to engage with local authorities and other nations to find a favourable solution. "The Government of India has been extending all possible legal and consular support, including trying to secure more time for the family to reach a mutually agreeable resolution with the other party," he said. Priya, a nurse from Kerala, has been facing the death penalty in Yemen after being convicted of murder. Her family and various organisations have been seeking clemency through diplomatic and legal channels.
The National
5 hours ago
- The National
Middle East businesses brace for higher costs after Trump announces new tariffs
Middle East businesses that trade with the US are preparing for increased costs and operational challenges after Washington introduced a fresh round of tariffs on dozens of countries, including several in the region. US President Donald Trump on Thursday signed an executive order imposing ' reciprocal tariffs ' ranging from 10 per cent to 41 per cent. The latest measures make small reductions to April's announcement but keep overall rates high for Middle Eastern economies. Slight reductions but high costs remain Syria remains the most heavily affected, facing a 41 per cent tariff, unchanged from April. Iraq's rate has been lowered to 35 per cent from 39 per cent, Libya to 30 per cent from 31 per cent and Tunisia to 25 per cent from 28 per cent. Jordan and Israel were each handed a 15 per cent tariff, down from 20 per cent previously. The marginal cuts offer limited relief to companies that export to or import from the US. Businesses across the region are expected to face higher costs, tighter margins and potential disruptions to their supply chains as they adjust to the new trade environment. The modest tariff reductions for countries like Jordan and Iraq offer "little more than cosmetic relief," Peter Middlebrook, chief executive of UAE-based management and investment consultancy Geopolicity, said. "Key sectors—particularly manufacturing, chemicals, machinery, electronics, and consumer goods—remain under pressure from elevated duties, with limited room to maneuver," he said. "While energy exports such as oil and LNG remain largely insulated, more diversified economies like Tunisia, Jordan, and Iraq will suffer reduced competitiveness, compressed margins, and higher barriers to the US market." Businesses in the region that rely on importing US goods now face higher input costs, especially in pharmaceuticals, high-tech components, and industrial equipment. "This will force difficult choices: either absorb the hit or pass the burden onto consumers. Larger firms may pivot toward alternate suppliers or explore new markets, but for many SMEs, these tariffs create significant headwinds for trade planning, investment certainty, and operational scaling," Mr Middlebrook said. Compounded by policy unpredictability and the risk of further escalation, the long-term outlook for US relations with its trade partners remains "highly uncertain", he added. Limited overall trade exposure The direct impact of the new tariffs is likely to be limited given the region's trade profile, Nassib Ghobril, chief economist at Lebanon's Byblos Bank Group, told The National, noting that exports from the region to the US made up only 4 per cent of its total exports last year, the majority of which were oil. 'Further, oil, natural gas, and petroleum products, which account for about 70 per cent of the Mena region's exports to the world, are exempt from new US tariffs,' he said. For net oil-importing economies such as Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco and Tunisia, exposure is also relatively small, Mr Ghobril said. 'Their total exports to the US amounted to $8.2 billion, while their imports from the US reached $16 billion in 2024. 'Also, their exports to the US accounted for 7 per cent of their aggregated total exports in 2024 and most of their exports are in the form of light manufacturing, including textiles, apparel, jewellery and processed food.' Trade stability concerns Dean Mikkelsen, a UAE-based independent maritime and logistics analyst, said the new tariffs have shaken long-standing perceptions of US trade stability across the Arab world. 'For decades, the US was seen as a predictable, cornerstone trade partner,' he told The National. 'This policy of high, fluctuating tariffs changes that perception for everyone … it creates a cloud of economic uncertainty over the whole region.' He said that small reductions in tariffs do little to reassure businesses or investors. 'They don't build confidence,' Mr Mikkelsen said. 'No one is going to make a major, long-term investment based on a 4 per cent tariff reduction when the entire system feels unstable.' The tariff schedule acts as 'a tool of targeted economic pressure', with high rates limiting growth in non-oil sectors in Iraq and Libya, undermining Tunisia's olive oil exports, and disrupting technology supply chains between the US and Israel, according to Mr Mikkelsen. 'The most disruptive move is the 15 per cent tariff on Israel and Jordan,' he said. 'It's a direct shock to the deeply integrated US-Israel technology supply chain … even the most strategic and deeply intertwined partnerships are not immune to this new volatility.' He added that many companies in the region are already pivoting away from reliance on US trade. 'From our vantage point as a global hub, we see this clearly. Companies are building stronger, more resilient trade corridors,' Mr Mikkelsen said. 'This means strengthening ties with Europe for its stability, investing heavily in Africa as the key future growth market, and anchoring their strategy in Asia for its sheer scale.' Minimal effect on start-ups While the impact on traditional trade may be muted, questions have also been raised about how these measures could affect the region's start-up ecosystem, particularly tech companies seeking investment from the US. Fadi Ghandour, executive chairman of Wamda Capital, said the tariffs will have little to no impact on start-ups in the region. 'Most, if not all, of start-ups have regional focus and do not produce physical goods to be exported to the US. They're mostly software or tech based companies,' Mr Ghandour told The National. He added that very little start-up funding comes from the US and is therefore unaffected by trade policies. 'Most of our start-ups in the region raise money from the region,' Mr Ghandour said. 'Besides, tariffs do not affect VCs that have an interest in investing in the region, that is not relevant to regional companies in the tech space.' Industries such as manufacturing, automotive, consumer goods and agriculture are still expected to face pressure due to higher costs, particularly in economies with significant non-oil trade with the US. The tariffs form part of the Trump administration's broader push to reshape global trade relationships and negotiate bilateral deals aimed at securing what it calls fairer terms for the US.
