
Colorado police shot someone every 6 days in 2024, data shows
'Right there, I swore to myself at that moment that I would never stop fighting until we got justice,' LaRonda Jones, the mother of Kilyn Lewis, said. 'I will continue to fight even harder — not only for justice in my son's death, but for all those other parents, all those other mothers and fathers and grandparents, who have gone through the same thing I'm going through.'
Colorado police officers and sheriff's deputies shot someone roughly every six days in 2024, according to data compiled by The Denver Post. They killed 39 people, including Lewis, and wounded 22 others, for a total of 61.
That's down four shootings from 2023, when law enforcement killed 43 Coloradans and injured another 22. Colorado still ranked eighth in the country last year for fatal police shootings per capita, with 6.93 people killed per million residents, according to national data from Mapping Police Violence.
Black people were disproportionately killed by law enforcement in Colorado — a trend that persists across the country, according to the organization's data on deadly police shootings — and one law enforcement agency saw a 250% increase in police shootings between 2023 and 2024.
Lewis, a 37-year-old Black man, was unarmed and holding a cellphone when Aurora police officers shot him in the parking lot of an apartment complex last May. He was shot within six seconds of officers surrounding him and shouting commands.
Lewis was wanted on suspicion of attempted first-degree murder in a separate Aurora shooting earlier that month.
'Black people were more likely to be killed by police, more likely to be unarmed and less likely to be threatening someone when killed,' Mapping Police Violence's 2024 report stated. 'Police disproportionately kill Black people, year after year.'
Who did Colorado law enforcement shoot?
The majority of people shot and killed by law enforcement in both 2023 and 2024 were white men armed with guns, according to the data compiled by The Post.
However, Black Coloradans were overrepresented in the data, which includes information from law enforcement agencies, coroner's offices and national databases.
Nearly 13% of people killed by Colorado law enforcement in 2024 were Black, but Black people make up less than 4% of the state's population, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.
The percentage of Black Coloradans shot by law enforcement could be even higher, said Julie Ward, an assistant professor at Vanderbilt University who studies public policy and gun violence, including police shootings.
'When we include both fatal and injury shootings nationally, it appears that racial disparities may actually be worse than we thought,' Ward said. 'If we're only looking at fatal shootings, then we're disregarding more injuries to Black survivors.'
The Post was unable to run a similar analysis because of the lack of demographic information available on people who were shot by Colorado law enforcement agents but survived.
The federal government has never successfully mandated that law enforcement agencies report use-of-force incidents, leaving many researchers to rely on coverage from local media, said Andrea Borrego, a professor of criminal justice and criminology at Metropolitan State University of Denver.
Some states, including Colorado, have started requiring comprehensive reporting, but that doesn't always work, she said.
Colorado's Law Enforcement Integrity Act requires the Division of Criminal Justice's Office of Research and Statistics to report data submitted by state and local law enforcement on citizen contacts and use of force.
However, no data was yet available for 2024, and the office's database only recorded 20 instances in 2023 in which an officer or deputy fired a gun at a suspect. That's a 45-case gap between the state's data and what The Post recorded in 2023.
'It's very apparent what is happening to our community, but … it goes beyond the data. It goes beyond the research and the studies,' said MiDian Shofner, CEO of the Denver-based Epitome of Black Excellence and Partnership. 'There are things about these stories that are not reported, and that, I think, is where I can say that our community knows that this is a reality.'
She said the data doesn't show the insults hurled at the families when they try to 'be a voice for their loved ones' — including an instance when Aurora City Councilwoman Stephanie Hancock called Lewis's family and other community organizers 'a bunch of bullies, terrorists, anarchists, opportunists, provocateurs and others who want to lift their voices so they can get social media clicks' — or how law enforcement agencies often shut them out.
'Those are data points they don't have a system for,' Shofner said. 'That hurt, that pain, that reality goes beyond any research in any study.'
Frank Powels, 44; Kristin Dock, 32; Everett Shockley, 42; and Kory Dillard, 38, were all Black men also killed in 2024 by law enforcement in Broomfield, Jefferson and Arapahoe counties.
Powels, Dock and Shockley were armed — two with guns and one with a broken broomstick handle — but Dillard was holding a replica Airsoft rifle.
'You don't get a chance to redo this scene and this act over again,' Jones, Lewis's mother, said. 'When you take a life, that's it. There's no coming back from that. And that's what we're facing and dealing with every day.'
The Douglas and Adams County coroners declined to release victim names and demographic information to The Post, leaving the ages, races and genders of 15% of people killed by law enforcement in 2024 and 14% in 2023 unknown.
Other findings by The Post include:
—Despite making up nearly 70% of Colorado's population, 50% of people shot and killed by state law enforcement in 2024 were white.
—Three women in 2023 and two women in 2024 were fatally shot by Colorado law enforcement. That's 7% and 5% of all victims killed in each of those years.
—About 32% of people shot and killed by police in 2023 were Hispanic, though they make up 23% of Colorado's population. In 2024, 23% of fatal police shooting victims were Hispanic.
—At least three people shot in 2023 and five people shot in 2024 were unarmed or not reported to be armed by law enforcement.
—At least five people shot in 2023 and six in 2024 were suicidal or experiencing a mental health crisis.
—Roughly 67% of those shot and killed by police in 2024 were adults under the age of 45. That age group only makes up 37% of Colorado's population, according to federal data.
—At least 17 people shot by police in 2024 were fleeing law enforcement in their car or on foot, up from 11 in 2023. Another 10 police shootings stemmed from traffic stops in 2024, more than double the four traffic stop shootings documented in 2023.
—The most common calls that escalated into police shootings were disturbances, fights and reports of suspicious people, accounting for roughly a third of incidents in both 2023 and 2024. Of those calls, eight in 2023 and six in 2024 included allegations of domestic violence.
—More than a dozen shootings each year — at least 17 in 2023 and 13 in 2024 — stemmed from officers trying to serve an arrest warrant or contact a suspect in a crime.
A variety of factors impact police shootings — including specific law enforcement agencies' training of officers and use of force policies, local crime rates, firearm ownership, community diversity and which agencies are responsible for responding to mental health crises — so numbers are unpredictable from year to year.
Across the country, the most frequent events that escalate into fatal police shootings involve verbal or physical threats, Ward said. That includes assaults, domestic violence incidents and people 'verbalizing threats of harm to themselves or others.'
Police shootings escalating from well-being checks or other 'social needs' were less common across the country, but more likely to be lethal, she said.
Ward said the data calls attention to an opportunity for a different response, where people should be able to think of police as a last resort when a 'better fit' solution isn't available. She said cities should invest in more targeted responses to these social needs to 'reduce exposure to the potential harms from policing.'
Which departments had the most incidents?
Eight Colorado law enforcement agencies saw significant increases in police shootings between 2023 and 2024, ranging from 50% to 250%.
In total, 12 agencies that had zero incidents in 2023 documented at least one police shooting in 2024, according to The Post's data. On the other hand, 20 departments that had at least one police shooting in 2023 reported no incidents last year.
Thornton police officers shot seven people in 2024, killing six of them. That's the highest of any Colorado law enforcement agency last year and a 250% increase from the two people shot in Thornton police in 2023.
One Thornton officer was shot when a 27-year-old man resisted arrest and grabbed the officer's gun after reportedly assaulting someone at a nearby gas station. Another two officers were injured in an hours-long standoff and shootout that rattled Thornton's Orchard Farms subdivision and ended with the suspect dead.
In each of Thornton's six fatal police shootings, the suspects were armed and had fired their weapons, though not necessarily at people, Division Cmdr. Tom Connor said.
'That is completely out of the norm for us, not somebody being armed in an officer-involved shooting, but having six in one year where that was the case. That's absolutely an anomaly,' Connor said.
Under Colorado law, when possible, officers are required to give suspects a chance to comply and use nonlethal force if available, Connor said. Thornton officers did not attempt to use nonlethal force in any of the six fatal shootings, but Connor said the suspects escalated the situation.
Connor said it can also be more dangerous for officers to use nonlethal force when people are armed because it doesn't immediately incapacitate them. He said it allows the armed suspect to continue to assault officers or others in the area.
In the end, it comes down to a split-second decision, and officers must act to protect themselves or others in danger, Connor said.
Thornton was followed closely in 2024 police shootings by Colorado Springs, where four people were killed and two were wounded; Aurora, where four people were killed and one was wounded; and Denver, where two people were killed and two were wounded. Pueblo and Lakewood police shot another three people in each city.
Thornton's per-capita rate of 4.8 shootings per 100,000 residents in 2024 quadrupled Aurora's rate of 1.1 and was more than eight times Denver's rate of 0.55.
'In Aurora, according to the 2023 Use of Force Report, arrests and use-of-force incidents have risen every year since 2021, even as calls for service have steadily declined,' Cat Moring from the Denver Justice Project said in an emailed statement to The Post. 'This trend reflects internal policy decisions and a department culture that continues to prioritize force over community trust.'
The Aurora Police Department was placed under a consent decree by state officials in 2021 after a Colorado Attorney General's Office investigation into Elijah McClain's killing found a pattern of racially biased policing and excessive force.
'Despite these reforms, the department has failed to rebuild trust, as evidenced by the decline in calls for police service,' Moring said. 'People are calling the police less because they fear dangerous encounters.'
Leaving victims' families in the lurch
'Language is extremely important,' Shofner, the Epitome of Black Excellence and Partnership CEO, said. 'Oftentimes, when this story is told and the narrative is put out, we'll say that the Black community doesn't trust the police. I don't think that's saying it the right way. It's that the police have lost the trust of the Black community.'
Jones said the lack of trust also stems from the lack of information and communication from law enforcement agencies. She said the shortage of answers was one of the most difficult things to deal with after her son's shooting.
As soon as Jones could after finding out about the shooting, she was on a plane from her home in Georgia to Colorado. Aurora officials called her while she was at the airport, but they could only direct her to the hospital and didn't know Lewis' status.
'It was really frustrating because I had a lot of questions that were unanswered,' Jones said. 'Questions like, 'Who was the officer who killed my son?' and 'What's going to be done about this?' So a lot of anger was building up as I couldn't get my questions answered.'
Connor said investigators from Colorado's various Critical Incident Response Teams don't release information to the involved departments during the investigations into police shootings. At least for Thornton, whatever the department releases publicly after the shooting — including body camera footage — is all officials outside of the investigation know, he said.
'Any officer-involved shooting can affect public trust,' Connor said. 'There's the potential that it looks like (law enforcement) is hiding information from the public when, in reality, the majority of the time we're not entitled to the information.'
But Jones said her struggle with the Aurora Police Department continued even after the investigation was closed and no charges were filed against SWAT officer Michael Dieck, who shot and killed her son. She said she was still continuously dismissed by the police department.
What happened to the officers who shot people?
Despite recent reforms, such as ending qualified immunity in state court, requiring body-worn cameras and mandating decertification for officers who engage in misconduct, the threshold for what counts as 'misconduct' remains extraordinarily high, Moring said.
Moring said officers are rarely held accountable, and the families of police shooting victims are often left to pursue justice on their own.
'Families are still forced to choose between fighting for criminal charges or seeking civil remedies — rarely with the resources, support or capacity to do both,' she said.
All but one of the 43 police shootings in 2023 for which The Post was able to obtain decision letters were ruled justified.
La Salle police Officer Erik Hernandez took a deal and pleaded guilty in January to manslaughter after shooting and killing 38-year-old Juston Reffel in his car outside of a dollar store on May 3, 2023.
No charges have been filed in any of the 2024 police shootings for which The Post has obtained copies of district attorneys' decision letters.
Jones said she was not surprised when Arapahoe County District Attorney John Kellner decided not to file charges against Dieck, who shot and killed her son.
Kellner said Dieck 'reasonably believed there was an imminent danger of death or serious bodily injury,' which justified the officer's use of force under Colorado law, according to Kellner's decision letter to the police department.
'There's no healing,' Jones said. 'Until we get justice, it won't even begin.'
___
© 2025 MediaNews Group, Inc.
Distributed by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.
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Miami Herald
5 hours ago
- Miami Herald
ICE deportations are derailing Colorado criminal prosecutions
When a Venezuelan immigrant was arrested last year and charged with sexually assaulting a 14-year-old girl in Jefferson County, the teen's mother hoped for justice. J.E., who is being identified by her initials to protect her daughter's identity, wanted the suspect to be convicted, locked away. She wanted to know he couldn't hurt anyone else, at least for a while. But that's not what happened. Jesus Alberto Pereira Castillo, 21, posted $5,000 bail and was released from the Jefferson County jail on Nov. 27, 2024, court records show. He was subsequently arrested by federal immigration authorities and was deported from the country by May. "Clerk notified via email that deft" - the defendant - "has been removed from the country," Chief Judge Jeffrey Pilkington wrote in a May 19 order. The deportation effectively ended the state's criminal case against Castillo - the prosecution cannot continue without his presence in court, though he remains wanted on a warrant and could be prosecuted if he were to return to Colorado. There was no conviction, no sentence, no jail time - just a deportation. "It's been pretty hard on me and my daughter," J.E. said. "She doesn't feel like she is getting the justice she deserves. It just has been so easy for immigrants to come into the country after they are deported. So the fear is that he might relocate somewhere else in the U.S. and do this to someone else. Them deporting him ruined justice for my daughter." At least two dozen defendants and one witness in criminal cases in metro Denver have been taken into custody by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and deported in the middle of ongoing state prosecutions since September, The Denver Post found. District attorneys across the region started to notice more defendants disappearing into ICE custody this spring, as President Donald Trump ramped up deportations nationwide. Colorado district attorneys who spoke with The Post said such deportations are not in the interest of justice and do not improve public safety over the long term. "If I can't hold someone accountable because the defendant is deported before we've reached a just outcome in the case, and the defendant finds their way back here and commits another crime, that does not make the community safer," 17th Judicial District Attorney Brian Mason said. "If victims of crime are afraid to call the police after they have been sexually assaulted or some other terrible crime because they are worried about being deported, that makes our community less safe." The defendants deported were charged with crimes that included driving under the influence, car theft, drug distribution, assault, domestic violence, attempted murder and human trafficking. Again and again, court records reviewed by The Post showed criminal cases stalled by deportations. "Def does not appear as he was deported and is no longer in the U.S.," a document notes in the file for a 26-year-old man from Brazil who was accused of swinging a knife at his wife. "Deft no longer in the country. Defendant (failed to appear)," a record states in the file for a 32-year-old man from Mexico charged with driving a stolen car. 'Full force of the law' Detectives with the Arapahoe County Sheriff's Office and the Denver Police Department spent six months building a case against a 28-year-old man from El Salvador who they alleged sold drugs and was connected to a woman who fatally overdosed at an Arapahoe County apartment complex in October. The investigation included a drug deal with an undercover Denver detective and ongoing surveillance. The man was charged with four felony counts related to drug dealing and two counts of child abuse after the six-month investigation culminated in his arrest on April 9. The man's arrest affidavit notes that he was arrested by the Aurora Police Department's SWAT team, and then, without further explanation, says he was taken into custody by ICE. Aurora police spokesman Joe Moylan said the city's SWAT team assisted in the arrest and then turned the man over to the sheriff's office while at the scene. Anders Nelson, a spokesman for the Arapahoe County Sheriff's Office, said the agency "partners with ICE" when pursuing cases against suspected non-citizen drug dealers. "ICE uses various means to positively identify these individuals, and so when they are arrested, ICE agents respond to identify the individual so that we can charge them accordingly under their correct name," Nelson said. "In this case, the subject had a lengthy criminal history that included active warrants for his arrest and had entered the U.S. illegally on several occasions, and so ICE agents took custody of him." The suspect accused of selling drugs was deported within a month. The state criminal case remains open. "Deft has been deported," the man's court records noted on May 9. In an emailed statement, Denver ICE spokesman Steve Kotecki said the federal agency "arrests aliens who threaten public safety and commit crimes." Before their recent arrests and deportations, the two men from El Salvador and Brazil had previously been cited only for traffic violations in Colorado, according to records kept by the Colorado Bureau of Investigation. The man from Mexico had prior convictions for car theft and drug possession. "ICE recognizes the importance of addressing unlawful actions with the full force of the law, ensuring that individuals are held accountable for their actions," Kotecki said in the statement. "We are committed to creating safe and thriving communities by supporting effective and fair law enforcement practices." Tristan Gorman, a criminal defense attorney, noted that ICE's mid-case deportations, which come before a defendant is convicted of a crime, are "completely disregarding the constitutional presumption of innocence." Mason, who serves as DA for Adams and Broomfield counties, said federal agencies "are under enormous pressure to implement the policies of the current administration." "This is new," he said of the growing number of mid-case deportations. Long-used process is no longer reliable In the past, when ICE detained defendants while their state cases were ongoing, prosecutors relied on court orders called writs to ensure the defendants still appeared in court. A writ in this context is a judge's order to a custodial agency, like a jail or immigration detention center, requiring the agency to bring the defendant to court. ICE is no longer reliably complying with writs to produce defendants for their state hearings, First Judicial District Attorney Alexis King said. "It's hard to know and it's hard to predict how a writ will be honored or not," she said. "… A writ was our standard process that we relied on to keep someone available for a criminal proceeding. It is not consistently working." ICE hasn't communicated its policies or procedures in any cohesive way to her team of Jefferson and Gilpin county prosecutors, King said. Her office is relying on personal connections between staff and officials at ICE to try to ensure defendants in federal custody are brought to court. "It's felt pretty ad hoc, and often reliant on us being very proactive," she said. ICE officials informed the Adams County Sheriff's Office and the Denver Sheriff Department in June that the agency would no longer comply with writs for detainees in immigration custody to physically appear in the counties' criminal courts. "ICE Denver is no longer honor (sic) writ from Denver County Court due to the Denver County Jail do not (sic) comply with immigration detainer or fail to transfer custody of aliens in a safe and orderly manner," Hung Thach, a supervisory detention and deportation officer in the Denver field office, wrote in a June 16 email to Denver officials. In a statement issued to 9News and Colorado Public Radio, Denver Field Office Director Robert Gaudian said ICE would not honor the writs because agency officials were not confident the detainees would be returned to ICE's custody after their state court appearances. Kotecki did not respond to a request to share that statement with The Post. He previously has requested blanket anonymity for his statements as a spokesman for the federal agency, which The Post declined to grant. He also has said he would no longer provide information to The Post unless the newspaper complied with his request for anonymity. "In the past, ICE Denver and the Adams County sheriff have enjoyed a great working relationship, with ICE honoring writs for trials and the sheriff notifying us of an alien's release," Gaudian said in the statement, according to 9News. "This relationship must be reciprocal, though. If I'm not confident that the sheriff will return an alien to us, then I cannot in good conscience release that individual." Denver sheriff's spokeswoman Daria Serna defended the department's practices for handling writs in a statement Wednesday. "The Denver Sheriff Department's policy and practice for the transfer of people in custody are in alignment with state and local laws," she said. ICE approach varies by jurisdiction So far in Boulder, immigration authorities have largely complied with writs to produce defendants for state court hearings with just a handful of exceptions, said Michael Dougherty, the Boulder County district attorney. The bigger risk for his office is not knowing about ICE detainment in time to seek a writ and delay deportation, because federal agents are failing to consistently alert prosecutors when they arrest defendants in state criminal cases, he said. "ICE should provide a notification anytime they pick someone up and the person is a defendant," Dougherty said. "That has not always happened. What has happened, more often than not, is we find out from the defense attorney or someone connected to the defendant that someone has been arrested by ICE and held for possible deportation." Dougherty noted that deportations seem to be happening much faster than in past years. When a defendant is deported in the middle of a case, it has a broad impact, he said. "The victim never had his or her day in court," he said. "We couldn't do justice. There is no conviction, no sex offender registration and no consequences. And the person is deported to a country. We have no reason to believe the person is held responsible for the crime they were accused of." In Douglas, Elbert and Lincoln counties, prosecutors have not had any issues with ICE agents deporting defendants mid-case, said 23rd Judicial District Attorney George Brauchler. He said federal agents have given his office warnings when ICE is interested in defendants, which has allowed prosecutors to revoke defendants' bonds to keep them in jail - in state custody - while the criminal case is pending. Gorman, the defense attorney, said revoking bond simply because a person could be deported is fundamentally unfair. "We're just basically saying to them, 'Yeah, we put all these terms and conditions on your bond and you've got to comply with them or we will revoke your bond," she said. "But even if you do absolutely everything right and show up at all your court dates, we might revoke your bond anyway … even though you followed all the rules." Arrests at courthouses Colorado law prohibits ICE agents from arresting people at or near state courthouses for civil immigration purposes - a line that federal agents have crossed multiple times this year, including in Denver and on the Western Slope. Federal agents have also been routinely making immigration arrests at Denver's federal courthouses, which are not covered by the state prohibition. In Garfield, Pitkin and Rio Blanco counties, federal agents monitored courthouse dockets in order to detain defendants for immigration proceedings, Ninth Judicial District Chief Judge John Neiley wrote in an April 8 order instructing federal agents to stop. "In short, these types of arrests make courthouses less safe, frustrate the process of justice, and could have a chilling effect on litigants, witnesses, victims, court personnel and other members of the public who have a right and obligation to participate fairly in the judicial system," Neiley wrote in the order. Although the practice is against Colorado law, there are no criminal penalties for federal agents who make such prohibited arrests. Rather, state law says they can be held in contempt of court or sued by the Colorado Attorney General's Office. Spokesman Lawrence Pacheco said the office could not confirm or comment on any such investigations. "Attorney General (Phil) Weiser is concerned about reports of ICE arrests at state courthouses interfering with state criminal prosecutions and having a chilling effect on witnesses and victims in criminal cases," Pacheco said. "Federal immigration arrests at courthouses make our communities less safe and violate state law." _____ Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.


Chicago Tribune
8 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
Bob Chiarito: Surveillance video, often decried, may be the key to getting justice
A white man who alleged he was afraid for his life shoots Black teens. This was the gist of the 1984 incident involving Bernhard Goetz in New York City, and it seems to be the gist of the shooting involving Charles Leto that took place on June 26 here in Chicago. The major difference thus far seems to be that in the most recent case, there is surveillance footage. The plethora of surveillance cameras in society, from banks to residences and everywhere in between, is often looked at negatively, as something Orwellian and as a way for the government to control the masses — but there are many upsides for those seeking justice. In 1984, when Goetz shot four Black youths on the New York subway after they approached him and asked for $5, America had not yet entered the surveillance era. Although he was charged with attempted murder, assault and reckless endangerment, he was ultimately found guilty of only one count of carrying an unlicensed firearm. Had there been a surveillance video, things may have turned out differently. Instead, the word of a white adult was taken over the word of four Black youths, and Goetz not only was found not guilty of the major crimes against the boys, but he became a hero known as the 'Subway Vigilante.' It's important to realize that along with the fact that surveillance video was nowhere near as prevalent in 1984 as it is today, 1980s New York was a powder keg, unlike Chicago in 2025. Crime in New York was rampant, and racial tensions were high. Two years after the Goetz incident, a white mob in the Italian American enclave of Howard Beach in New York chased 23-year-old Michael Griffith and two friends, all Black, and beat Griffith to death for simply being in their neighborhood. Had the jury in that case had surveillance video, it's likely the sentences of the white perpetrators would have been longer. Then, in 1989, the Central Park jogger case came along, and five Black and Hispanic teenagers were convicted of the crime of brutally raping a white woman. They served sentences ranging from five to 12 years, and in 2002, their convictions were vacated because they didn't do it. Had there been surveillance video, there is little doubt that things would have turned out differently for those innocent boys. In Chicago, the closest parallel to the racial attacks in 1980s New York was the 1997 Bridgeport attack on Lenard Clark, a Black 13-year-old, by a group of teenagers including Frank Caruso Jr., who was convicted of the beating but ultimately forced to serve only two years of an eight-year sentence. Had there been video, it's likely that Caruso would have had a much harsher sentence. Almost 20 years after the Clark beating, Chicago would experience another high-profile incident — the shooting death of Black 17-year-old Laquan McDonald by a Chicago police officer. The initial report put out by the Police Department was that McDonald was walking erratically down a street while carrying a knife and then lunged at officers when they approached, forcing them to shoot him. However, there was a video of this incident, which was withheld from the public for more than a year before it was finally released and only because a Cook County judge ordered it. The video led to the resignation of police Superintendent Garry McCarthy, then-Mayor Rahm Emanuel's decision not to seek reelection and the conviction of Officer Jason Van Dyke for second-degree murder and 16 counts of aggravated battery, one count for every shot that hit McDonald. Without the video, it's very likely that the initial report would have been the final word, and Van Dyke would still be a Chicago police officer today. This brings us to the most recent incident: It is alleged that Leto shot two black youths who approached him while he was fixing his bicycle outside the Douglass Park pool, where he worked as a lifeguard. Marjay Dotson, 15, was killed, and 14-year-old Jeremy Herred was critically wounded. (Ironically, Herred is a cousin of McDonald.) Unlike in the McDonald case, it took authorities just a few days to release the surveillance video, and Leto was quickly charged with murder and attempted murder. While he is likely to claim that he felt threatened and that he believed the boys had weapons, no weapons were recovered, and it's a safe bet that the video will be key to the prosecution. Every day, surveillance videos help solve all types of crimes, from carjackings and purse snatchings to murder. They can help convict and exonerate, but they are not a cure-all. We've all seen savvy defense lawyers attempt to take them apart frame by frame in court and twist them before a jury. It worked in the trial of the Los Angeles police officers accused of beating Rodney King in 1991, but it did not work in 2016 when Van Dyke's attorney tried to convince jurors that McDonald posed a threat. It will be interesting to see how the case against Leto plays out. What is apparent to those favoring justice is: It's much better to have surveillance video than not to have it.


Chicago Tribune
9 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
Today in Chicago History: Richard Speck kills eight student nurses in their South Side town house
Here's a look back at what happened in the Chicago area on July 14, according to the Tribune's archives. Is an important event missing from this date? Email us. Weather records (from the National Weather Service, Chicago) 1885: Entrepreneur Sarah E. Goode was the first Black woman to receive a U.S. patent in Illinois. Born into slavery in 1850, Goode was freed at the end of the Civil War in 1865 and moved to Chicago. As the owner of a furniture store, she observed that many residents of the rapidly growing metropolis had a modicum of space in their cramped apartments. Goode designed what she called a folding cabinet bed. When folded, the assembly, which included compartments for stationary and writing paraphernalia, could be used as a writing desk. Vintage Chicago Tribune: Inventions and innovations by Black Chicagoans 1912: Fourteen people died when a Chicago, Burlington & Quincy Railroad mail train slammed into the rear of a passenger train stopped for a signal in Western Springs. The crash was blamed on a brake operator in the first train who failed to place a warning torpedo (a small explosive) on the tracks behind his train to alert the mail train he knew was following by about nine minutes. The accident was one of several that highlighted the need for railroads to install signals at shorter intervals on high-speed (around 40 mph), heavily traveled mainlines. 1966: Armed with a gun and a knife, Richard Speck broke into a town house in the 2300 block of East 100th Street on the South Side that served as housing for student nurses who worked at South Chicago Community Hospital. They were Nina Jo Schmale, Patricia Ann Matusek, Pamela Lee Wilkening, Mary Ann Jordan, Suzanne Bridget Farris, Valentina Pasion, Merlita Gargullo and Gloria Jean Davy. Corazon Amurao Atienza managed to crawl under a bed and hide while Speck methodically stabbed and strangled eight of her roommates after telling them he would not hurt them, that he just needed money to get to New Orleans. Rare photos, interviews honor 8 nurses slain by Richard Speck in 1966Speck was captured two days later when an emergency room doctor at Cook County Hospital thought a patient he was treating for self-inflicted gashes looked familiar. The doctor had just had a dinner break and had seen the front page of a newspaper featuring the killer's face. As he was sponging blood off the patient's arm, he saw that the man had a tattoo that said 'Born to Raise Hell' that matched the description from the newspaper. Though originally convicted then sentenced to die in the electric chair for the murders, Speck was resentenced to eight consecutive terms of 50 to 150 years each after the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in 1972 that the death penalty of Illinois and other states was unconstitutional. Vintage Chicago Tribune: 10 infamous people condemned to Stateville prisonSpeck died of a heart attack at a Joliet hospital on Dec. 5, 1991 — the day before his 50th birthday. 2024: Sanfurd Burris' Maverick broke the 22-year-old time record in the Chicago Yacht Club Race to Mackinac, finishing the course of 289 nautical miles up Lake Michigan in 22 hours, 24 minutes and 23 seconds. That was 1 hour, 6 minutes and 11 seconds faster than the old record set by Roy P. Disney's Pyewacket (named for the cat in the film 'Bell, Book and Candle') in 2002. Subscribe to the free Vintage Chicago Tribune newsletter, join our Chicagoland history Facebook group, stay current with Today in Chicago History and follow us on Instagram for more from Chicago's past.