
Baloch rebels see opportunity in Pakistan's adversity, hoist flags of liberation
While Pakistan is busy launching futile drone and missile attacks on Indian civilians and military sites across its eastern front, Baloch rebels have stepped up their offensive against Pakistani security forces. At least three groups of Baloch fighters have seized control of parts of its western province, Balochistan. The developments come amid fighting between several rebel groups and Pakistani forces escalating and calls for Balochistan's independence growing louder. Images and videos of Baloch people hoisting their flags after pulling down Pakistan's are all over social media.advertisementBaloch pro-independence groups carried out coordinated attacks on Pakistani security forces and their assets swept across Balochistan on Thursday, according to news reports and posts from credible handles.The attacks on the Pakistani regime in Balochistan have gained momentum in the last week. The attacks come even as the Islamabad-Rawalpindi establishment is focused on reacting to India's strike on terror camps as part of Operation Sindoor.
The Baloch groups have intensified to such an extent that the forces of the Pakistani security forces faced at least four attacks by "unidentified armed assailants" in the provincial capital of Quetta on Thursday. Explosions and intense gunfire were reported across Quetta, according to Balochistan-based Radio Zrumbesh English.On Thursday, the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) rebels targeted "the Pakistani Army and its collaborators in six separate attacks in Kech, Mastung and Kachi", according to Radio Zrumbesh English.advertisement"Baloch people have started hoisting their own flags and taking down Pakistani flags. Time for the world to pull back their diplomatic missions from Pakistan and shift them into the newly emerging country of Balochistan. Farewell to Pakistan, welcome to Balochistan," Baloch writer Mir Yar Baloch posted on X.This spate of attacks comes days after former Pakistani Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi said that Pakistan's federal government and army were losing control over the restive province of Balochistan, especially after dark.Abbasi said senior government officials and ministers couldn't move around in Balochistan without security escorts. Abbasi also challenged the narrative of Army Chief Asim Munir regarding the scale of rebellion in Balochistan.BALOCH REBELS RAMP UP ATTACKS ON PAK ARMYOn Thursday, the BLA fighters targeted a bomb disposal squad of the Pakistani army in Dashtuk, Kech District, using a remote-controlled IED, killing one soldier on the spot.In a separate incident, BLA fighters launched an attack on a Pakistani army outpost in Katgan, also in Kech, using automatic weapons, reportedly killing some security personnel, Balochistan-based journalist Bahot Baluch wrote on X, citing Jeeyand Baloch, the BLA spokesperson.Similar IED blasts on the Pakistani army and its supply vehicles took place in Zamuran's Sah Dem area, which claimed several lives, according to Bahot Baluch.advertisementThese attacks on Thursday followed several attacks on Wednesday where Pakistan's critical infrastructure like gas pipelines and resource transport vehicles came under rebel attack. Three pro-independence Baloch armed groups claimed responsibility for these incidents, reported The Balochistan Post.On Wednesday, two IED attacks hit Pakistani security forces and a military supply vehicle in Zamuran in Balochistan's Kech district, the Post reported separately.Baloch writer Mir Yar Baloch also claimed that the rebels have attacked Pakistan's gas fields in Dera Bugti, an area where over 100 gas wells, operated by the state-owned Pakistan Petroleum Limited, are located."A possible announcement should soon be done as the collapse of the terrorist Pakistan is near. We have claimed our independence, and we request India to allow Balochistan's official office, and embassy in Delhi," Mir Yar Baloch wrote on X.While the Pakistani army chief, Asim Munir, has claimed that the "unrest" in Balochistan is the result of just 1,500 people, the government in Islamabad has conveniently blamed the Indian government for the home-grown, decades-long resistance in the province.While Balochistan is rich in natural resources, the Islamabad-Rawalpindi combination has for decades extracted the mineral wealth, giving nothing in return to the local Baloch people. While Balochistan has seen episodes of the fight for liberation, this is one of the longest-running resistances in recent decades.advertisementFormer Pakistan PM Abbasi, who raised the alarm about the situation in Balochistan, said, "This is not a breakdown in law and order. It is a sign of the state's fading authority".Abbasi's also challenged Munir's absurd assertion on Balochistan, saying, "whatever Asim Munir may say is his opinion, I am only stating what I saw".The former prime minister's remarks came on May 5.On May 6, as if to prove him right, the BLA killed 14 army personnel of the Pakistan army in two separate attacks in Balochistan's Bolan and Kech, news agency ANI reported.WHY THIS BALOCHISTAN UPRISING AGAINST PAKISTAN, CHINA IS DIFFERENTThe people of Balochistan, since Pakistan went back on its words and occupied it in 1948, have faced economic marginalisation, resource exploitation, and human rights abuses.Balochistan, Pakistan's largest province by area and mineral-rich yet least populated, has been plagued by a decades-long armed and peaceful movements by ethnic Baloch people over economic marginalisation, resource exploitation, and human rights abuses.advertisementPakistan's federal government, its powerful army, and Chinese assets are facing the fiercest wave of resistance yet from the Baloch rebel groups. The resistance, led by the BLA, has intensified attacks on Pakistani security forces and infrastructure built by the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)'s China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).The Pakistani military has responded with heavy-handed tactics, including enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings.It's not just armed groups resisting the Pakistani state. Women like Mahrang Baloch are at the forefront of a peaceful movement, challenging the Pakistani army's forced disappearances of Baloch men, with courage and defiance.Mahrang, herself, is now in jail.Some Baloch women have picked up arms and are turning into suicide bombers.The attacks by Baloch armed rebel groups have dealt massive damage to the Pakistani apparatus, and Chinese assets, in the province.In 2024, Pakistan's civil and military security forces witnessed a 40% increase in casualties (383) in Balochistan compared to 2023, according to the South Asia Terrorism Portal.Now, the Baloch rebels, knowing that Pakistan is distracted after Operation Sindoor, have intensified their attacks on the Pakistani forces, including in Quetta, and hoisted flags of independence.Must Watch
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Indian Express
21 minutes ago
- Indian Express
Sudhir Mishra on rebellion being at the heart of his films: ‘Ours is the last generation to believe life's not only about loving your parents'
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They became very disappointed during her imposition of the Emergency because of Sanjay Gandhi. He had started a coterie, which was non-democratic, entitled and had a 'Babalog view' of the world, which alienated the youth in non-metro India from the English-speaking upper class. My grandfather saw that there was a kind of undeclared emergency within the Congress and so before they could kick him out, he walked away. He had joined the Congress as a 20-year-old and was an understudy to Motilal Nehru, so he said he couldn't work under the great-grandson. As with your film Hazaaron…, will youth be at the centre of Summer of 76 too? Yes, but it's much wider. I follow people all over the country. 'Hazaaron…' is about these college students, 'Summer of '76' is about those who got involved in the JP movement. It's also about Ramesh Dixit, one of the students arrested in JNU (Jawaharlal Nehru University), and on Pushpesh Pant's book, 'Portrait of a Student Activist'. So, factual parts of it come from there, then there are a lot of stories, fiction and imagination. The series is about what happens to the passionate, who think they are not living in the best of all possible worlds and want to change it. It's an exciting journey of seven young people and the problems they will face. The Emergency is a metaphor. This is a story of any time. It's a tribute to youth, to curiosity, to rebellion, to holding each other's hands, to taking risks. Rebellion is often at the heart of your films. At the time of the Emergency, I was very young but I know how my grandfather felt about it. He died in 1988 and I was a filmmaker by then. I'm not a faithful family boy, I have a point of view and everything's filtered through my eyes. I'm a scientist's son, a mathematician's son. So when I see a hypothesis, I need to evaluate if it's true or not. And if it's not, then I look at it straight in the face. We are, perhaps, the last generation that believes life is not only about loving your parents or obeying your parents. There were many rebellions happening at that time. Women were breaking free, landless peasants were attempting to break free, many lower castes were coming to the fore, claiming their place in India, the Dalit movement was gaining strength. This is what the Congress didn't see. Unfortunately, sometimes it ended up being led by the wrong people but that desire to break free was genuine. Your films have captured the angst and idealism of a generation. Do you think people are less idealistic now? I don't blame the youth because this is the world we gave them. The poor are bereft of one kind of nutrition; the upper class or the so-called middle class are bereft of another. The whole education system is geared to mugging up information and vomiting it out. It is not geared to create a mind which can analyse, understand and take things forward. Curiosity is not encouraged. So you have a nation of educated illiterates. You have prepared a world where anything can be said and the majority will believe it, which is why most of them will be replaced so easily by AI. There is extreme self-centeredness and a disrespect of any kind of idealism. It's not only that they do not want to be idealists but they disrespect them. And then there is a pseudo-Left, a cultural Left, which I think is the fig leaf of the Right. So there is actually no real opposition and everybody is the same. The censorship that started then, do you see its shadow in current times? Yes, a nation starts getting used to self-censoring. Anyway, it's not so difficult in our country because we always say, 'badon ke saamne aise nahi bolna chahiye' (you shouldn't speak like that before elders). We have a culture of censorship. Be polite, don't say this in front of your grandfather. If you have censorship in your head, then you cannot be scientific, right? 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Time of India
23 minutes ago
- Time of India
50 years of Emergency: ‘At that time, truth itself was censored'; press silenced & journalists jailed, fear gripped newsrooms
Veteran journalist JP Shukla recalls how truth was suppressed, dissent was stifled, and journalists faced arrest LUCKNOW: Referring to press censorship and the role of the press during Emergency, BJP veteran LK Advani once famously remarked, 'When the media was asked to bend, it crawled'. This quote captures the dark chapter in Indian journalism when the press surrendered before the state. Veteran journalist JP Shukla, who served with both 'The Hindu' and the Press Trust of India (PTI), recalled the grim picture of press freedom during 1975-77. 'It was a time when truth itself was censored, and journalists were either silenced or turned into targets,' he said. On the night of June 25, 1975, when the Emergency was declared, newspapers across Delhi were forced to shut down. 'No newspaper was printed the next day,' said Shukla. In Lucknow, news agency services went silent. What followed was complete press censorship. 'Every news item had to be submitted to censor office under the information department before publication. Original stories filed by reporters were not published, instead pre-approved agency copies with the byline mentioning 'Staff Reporter' became the norm,' he said. 'Initially, censorship was limited to news content, and many editors used the editorial space to express dissent. However, once this was noticed, even editorial freedom was revoked. Some newspapers protested by leaving editorials blank or printing them with black borders. A few journalists and editors were arrested. One editor in Varanasi openly criticised the PM and was jailed with the publisher,' he said. Shukla recalled an incident involving Chaudhary Charan Singh. 'He delivered a three-hour speech in the Assembly but the newspapers were allowed to print only one line: 'Chaudhary Charan Singh criticised the govt'. The rest was censored,' he said. 'Many journalists went underground to avoid arrest. PK Roy of 'The Hindu', against whom an arrest warrant was issued, continued to report secretly from Lal Kuan office of 'Amar Ujala' in Lucknow. Ironically, journalists who remained free were sometimes mocked by their pro-govt peers, with comments like, 'You haven't been jailed yet?'' recalled Shukla.