Man accused of Collegiate pupil's murder details events of fateful day
Premium
By Simtembile Mgidi - 20 May 2025
A formal bail application for only one of the men accused of murdering a Gqeberha high school pupil and her mother got under way on Tuesday.
Double murder accused Nceba Maji, 44, appeared in the Gqeberha magistrate's court alongside his co-accused, Sibulele Mzilikazi, 28, and Siyabonga Ntswahlana, 35...
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Mail & Guardian
32 minutes ago
- Mail & Guardian
Ramaphosa puts Mchunu on leave of absence over police infiltration scandal
President Cyril Ramaphosa. (File photo) President In a nationally televised address on Sunday evening, Ramaphosa said the allegations made last week earlier by KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanaz posed a grave threat to the rule of law and national security. To address the claims, the president announced the establishment of a judicial commission of inquiry to be chaired by acting Deputy Chief Justice 'The allegations made in this media briefing raise serious concerns around the Constitution, the rule of law and national security,' Ramaphosa said. 'These allegations, if proven true, threaten to undermine the confidence of South Africans in the ability of the South African Police Service to protect them and to effectively fight crime and corruption.' He added that a Gauteng-based investigation had unearthed a drug cartel-linked syndicate with tentacles reaching into the police, metro police, correctional services, judiciary, and the prosecuting authority. Ramaphosa described the allegations as 'extraordinary in their scope,' suggesting that organised crime may be operating with support — or at least passive consent — from officials sworn to uphold the law. On Sunday, Ramaphosa said he had appointed Professor Firoz Cachalia, chairperson of the National Anti-Corruption Advisory Council and a former Gauteng MEC for community safety, as acting minister of police. Cachalia, who is set to retire from his current position at the University of the Witwatersrand at the end of July, will assume office in August. An interim appointment will be made from within the cabinet in the meantime. The president emphasised that the inquiry would be independent and would have full authority to compel testimony and access evidence. It will be empowered to refer matters for immediate criminal investigation and recommend suspensions where officials are implicated. The commission, supported by advocates Sesi Baloyi and Sandile Khumalo, is expected to deliver interim reports at three and six-month intervals. A final report will be submitted to the President, the Speaker of the National Assembly, and the Chief Justice. Ramaphosa said the inquiry will assess the roles of current and former senior officials across a range of institutions, including the SAPS, the National Prosecuting Authority, the State Security Agency, the judiciary, and the metropolitan police departments of Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni, and Tshwane. The commission will also examine whether members of the national executive responsible for the criminal justice system aided or abetted criminal activity. 'In establishing this commission of inquiry, we are affirming our commitment to the rule of law, to transparency and accountability, and to building a South Africa in which all people are safe and secure,' the President said. The development comes amid growing public concern about the state's ability to confront high levels of violent crime, corruption, and the influence of organised criminal networks. Recent years have seen the resurgence of politically motivated killings, extortion by construction mafias, and rising levels of gang and drug-related violence. Madlanga's appointment comes shortly before his scheduled retirement from the Constitutional Court at the end of July, which Ramaphosa said would enable him to dedicate himself fully to the inquiry's work. The President confirmed that Mchunu had agreed to fully cooperate with the inquiry. The inquiry is expected to become one of the most significant institutional probes since the Zondo Commission into state capture, with the potential to reshape the public's understanding of corruption within the state's security. While some have welcomed the establishment of the commission, several political parties criticised it as costly and ineffective. GOOD secretary general Brett Herron said the move, though well-intentioned, was 'too slow, too cumbersome, and too costly,' adding that commissions cannot replace criminal investigations, citing the Zondo Commission as an example. ActionSA MP Dereleen James said Ramaphosa's delayed response amounted to 'kicking the can down the road,' and criticised the decision to place Police Minister Senzo Mchunu on a 'paid holiday' while serious allegations of police infiltration remain unresolved.


Mail & Guardian
2 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Corruption a tightening noose around South Africa's neck
As revealed by the Zondo commission, corruption has penetrated every layer of society and continues to strangle our nation. Graphic: John McCann/M&G 'Ultimate disruptor' was how Forbes Africa dubbed Covid-19 in June 2020 for its sweeping impact across global business and society. Yet, for South Africa, a far more threatening disruptor has long been tightening its grip: corruption. Corruption is once again under the spotlight. This time it's for allegations made by Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi, the KwaZulu-Natal police commissioner, against senior members of the South African Police Service (SAPS), including Minister of Police Senzo Mchunu. The endemic corruption 'virus' has ceased to operate in the shadows. It is visible, active and strangling our nation's future. As revealed in great detail in the state capture reports at the Zondo commission, corruption has morphed into multiple guises and its insidious tentacles have penetrated every layer of our society. From tax evasion, fraud, bribery, nepotism, misuse of government funds, maladministration, extortion and the recent allegations against the upper echelons of the police service, corruption's destructive reach undermines South Africa's political, financial and societal sustainability. Each rigged contract, sold degree qualification and policy that is manipulated for personal gain, does not merely siphon funds, it chips away at society's moral fibre, erodes human dignity, hinders economic growth and, more critically, puts lives at risk. And it is the most vulnerable, those already burdened by poverty and poor service delivery, who suffer the most. Worse still, corruption has become normalised. Wrapped in phrases like 'our turn to eat' and 'we didn't join the [freedom] struggle to be poor', it cultivates a false sense of entitlement and impunity. This embeds criminality into the social and institutional fabric of our society. As communities, particularly the youth, watch unpunished looting unfold, faith in leadership and public institutions collapse and moral decay spreads. The cost of corruption Although difficult to quantify, corruption undoubtedly places a huge burden on the country, financially, institutionally and socially. Financially, the damage is staggering. In the World Bank's 2023 report, Bénédicte Baduel showed how crime was shaving about 10% from South Africa's GDP. She estimates the loss to our economy at R700 billion a year. Coupled with South Africa's placement on the Financial Action Task Force's 'grey list', the message is clear: South Africa must manage economic crime more effectively. Institutionally, government structures buckle under the weight of corruption. State-owned enterprises such as SAA and the Passenger Rail Agency of South Africa (Prasa) basically collapsed. 'Ghost' government employees siphon off millions of rands, and extortion mafias sabotage infrastructure projects, demand protection fees and exploit public works for personal enrichment. As budgets are drained, service delivery deteriorates, leaving people without reliable services. Socially, the consequences are equally dire. Corruption betrays the democratic ideals for which so many of our political leaders fought and died for. These values should define who we are as a nation because they are enshrined in our Constitution and Bill of Rights. But, when political leaders and public officials abuse their roles for personal enrichment, not only do they mock the values that underpin our democracy, they also signal to our society that greed trumps integrity. Hence, hard work becomes devalued, ethical leadership is undermined and the seeds of cynicism, apathy and deviousness are sown. Where corruption is rife, fear, trauma, low productivity and institutional collapse are common. These make up the toxic mix that become the push factors for skills migration, and loss of investor confidence. From criminal crisis to moral collapse The tightening grip of corruption on our society is no longer just a criminal crisis, it is a moral and sustainability catastrophe. The hollowing out of what were capable state institutions and the dire effect on the economy will rob our youth of a viable future. In addition, it corrodes the ethical foundations of society and it weakens social bonds. Furthermore, when institutions fail and unemployment is on the increase, it breeds hopelessness and fuels a vicious cycle of poverty and despair. Restoring South Africa's moral fibre Despite efforts by successive government administrations to curb corruption through initiatives such as the Mpati and Zondo commissions, most of the perpetrators remain unpunished with no consequence management. In fact, many of those implicated officials still hold public office. And as accountability stalls, corruption mutates, adapts, becomes emboldened and multiplies. Uprooting corruption requires more than commissions of inquiry. It needs a two-pronged approach: justice through the rule of law by strengthening the judicial organs of state and Chapter 9 institutions, and soft power — cultural and paradigm shifts, and personal agency. Civil society should embark on an intentional moral regeneration campaign. Families, educators, faith groups and civil society all have a critical role in shaping a generation that values honesty, integrity, service and the common good. A corrupt-free society is not the responsibility of the government alone, it is everyone's responsibility. The heart of our recovery lies in values-based civic renewal. In addition, whistleblowers should be commended and protected, and more effective systems that govern procurement and financial transactions must be implemented. Even though corruption has left deep and indelible wounds in the body politic and economic fabric of our society, it is not invincible but it needs to be tackled with the same zeal that defeated apartheid. Therefore efforts to eradicate it requires inner resolve and commitment to bring about the requisite change. We should all collaborate to grow a stronger, ethically driven society. Our society must reignite the values that built our democracy — justice, accountability and ubuntu, so that everyone stands to benefit from a more sustainable future. We owe it to the future generations to build a legacy of peace, prosperity and harmony. This should be our national calling. A society that works to defeat corruption together, builds hope together. Rudi Kimmie is an independent higher education and organisation development specialist. He writes in his personal capacity.


Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Justice delayed, grief denied: When the courts fail the bereaved
When my father died in September 2023, our family's grief was hijacked first by bureaucracy, then by betrayal, and now by the court system. The first part of this story exposed how the Master's Office in Mahikeng We are now nearly a year into our pursuit of justice. Our first court appearance was in March 2024, after we secured the services of a handwriting expert to analyse the mysterious will. The expert's report confirmed what we feared: the signature didn't match my father's. We thought we were finally on a path toward truth. We were wrong. On that first appearance, the case was postponed. The other party, comprising several of my late father's siblings, wanted time to find their own handwriting expert. Understandable, perhaps. But what followed would be laughable if it weren't so painful. The matter was then postponed to September 2024, almost six months later. The date, painfully ironic, falls at about the time of my father's death. Their report arrived. It didn't outright contradict ours, but tried to soften the blow, citing my father's neurological condition to explain the discrepancies in his signature. They presented medical documents as proof. Our legal team requested another postponement, this time to February 2025. Why? Because both reports needed to be reviewed and discussed. No progress. No closure. Just waiting. Then came the real gut punch. In early 2025, the case was postponed again because the matter wasn't 'trial-ready'. Of the six siblings contesting the will, only one had been served. The others? The court's sheriff couldn't find them. So we grieving family members became private investigators. We searched for addresses. We made phone calls. We drove to their homes. In the end, we managed to track down most of them, but May 2025 came, and the case still couldn't be heard. A new date must now be requested. And the process of serving all six must be restarted. Again. At this point, we are not just fighting for an estate. We are fighting for the right to be heard. Ours is not an anomaly. It is a reflection of the civil court system, a system riddled with delays and inefficiencies. In 2021, the then justice minister, Ronald Lamola, said in parliament that the country faces huge court backlogs, particularly in civil matters, citing staff shortages, ageing infrastructure and high caseloads. But for families like mine, those explanations offer no comfort. In our case, justice has been postponed five times. Not because of complex legal arguments. Not because of lack of evidence. Section 34 of the Constitution promises that 'everyone has the right to have any dispute … decided in a fair public hearing before a court'. But when cases are delayed indefinitely sometimes for years that right becomes theoretical. In a country where estate fraud is rising and wills can apparently materialise months after burial, these systemic failures embolden the very people who should be investigated. We have the reports. We have witnesses. We have intent. But the court has yet to even hear our case. We don't talk enough about what this does to people. Every court date is a trigger. Every postponement reopens the wound. You prepare yourself emotionally, mentally, financially. You gather paperwork. You re-live your loss. And then someone says, 'Come back next year.' This is not just about money. It's about dignity. It's about the truth. And it's about what kind of country we want to live in: one where the dead are protected and honoured, or one where silence is bought with time and incompetence. The delays in our case aren't just emotional, they're profitable. While we've endured repeated postponements, judges and lawyers continue to draw full salaries every day the case drags on. Consider the Senzo Meyiwa murder trial: after three long years marred by delays and adjournments, Legal Aid SA said it had already spent R6.5 million on legal fees alone. Civil courts aren't immune. The burden falls on families. In our case, one uncle threatened to attach my mother's R900 000 home to cover R64 000 in legal fees, which was the one time we saw the sheriff was a scare tactic but we refused to back down. Through bribes, witch-doctors, logistical snags and endless formalities, we are determined: justice may be delayed, but it will not be denied. I am writing this because the system has failed us. But silence would fail us more. We must document this for every South African who has had to sit in silence while justice crawled. Because the real death isn't the one we bury, it's the one the system lets happen slowly, year after year, in courtrooms that never open. Orateng Lepodise is a writer and communications specialist. She is documenting her personal experience.