
Russian missile and drone attacks kill 13 and injure 132 in Kyiv
A five-month-old girl was among 14 children wounded, Ukraine's Emergency Service said.
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It was the highest number of children injured in a single attack on Kyiv since the start of Russia's invasion three years ago, according to public records consulted by The Associated Press.
A large part of a nine-storey residential building collapsed in the attack, City Military Administration head Tymur Tkachenko said.
Residents at the scene of one Russian strike (Efrem Lukatsky/AP)
Rescue teams searched for people trapped under the rubble.
Yana Zhabborova, 35, a resident of the damaged building, woke up to the sound of thundering explosions, which blew off the doors and windows of her home.
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'It is just stress and shock that there is nothing left,' said Ms Zhabborova, a mother of a five-month-old baby and a five-year-old child.
Russia fired 309 Shahed and decoy drones and eight Iskander-K cruise missiles overnight, the Ukrainian air force said. Air defences intercepted and jammed 288 strike drones and three missiles, and five missiles and 21 drones struck targets.
Russian troops also struck a residential five-storey building in the eastern Ukrainian city of Kramatorsk, according to the head of Donetsk regional military administration Vadym Filashkin.
He said one person was killed and at least 11 more injured.
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Rescuers work in the rubble of a destroyed apartment building (Efrem Lukatsky/AP)
Russia's Ministry of Defence said it had shot down 32 Ukrainian drones overnight.
A drone attack sparked a blaze at an industrial site in Russia's Penza region, local governor Oleg Melnichenko said, adding that there were no casualties.
In the Volgograd region, some trains were halted after drone wreckage fell on railway infrastructure, state operator Russian Railways said.
Russia's Defence Ministry also said that its forces had taken full control of the strategically important city of Chasiv Yar in Ukraine's eastern Donetsk region.
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Russian and Ukrainian troops have battled for control of Chasiv Yar for nearly 18 months. It includes a hilltop from which troops can attack other key points in the region that form the backbone of Ukraine's eastern defences.
Victor Trehubov, a Ukrainian military spokesperson, told The Associated Press that Russia's claim was untrue.
'Just a fabrication, there wasn't even a change in the situation,' he said.
A report on Thursday from Ukraine's Army General Staff said there had been seven clashes in Chasiv Yar in the past 24 hours. An attached map showed most of the town under Russian control.
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Firefighters work to extinguish a fire in Kyiv (Efrem Lukatsky/AP)
DeepState, an open-source Ukrainian map widely used by the military and analysts, showed early on Thursday that neighbourhoods to the south and west of Chasiv Yar remained uncontrolled by either side.
The overnight drone attacks targeted the Kyiv, Dnipro, Poltava, Sumy and Mykolaiv regions, with Ukraine's capital being the primary target, President Volodymyr Zelensky said.
At least 27 locations across Kyiv were hit, Mr Tkachenko said, with the heaviest damage in the Solomianskyi and Sviatoshynskyi districts. More than 100 buildings were damaged in the capital, including homes, schools, nurseries, medical facilities and universities, he added.
'Today, the world once again saw Russia's answer to our desire for peace with America and Europe,' Mr Zelensky said. 'New demonstrative killings. That is why peace without strength is impossible.'
He called on Ukraine's allies to follow through on defence commitments and pressure Moscow towards real negotiations.
US President Donald Trump said on Tuesday that he was giving Russian President Vladimir Putin a shorter deadline — August 8 — for peace efforts to make progress, or Washington will impose punitive sanctions and tariffs.
Western leaders have accused Mr Putin of dragging his feet in US-led peace efforts in an attempt to capture more Ukrainian land.
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The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
In wartime, demonstrations in Ukraine can never be more than a peaceful protest
Once a decade, Ukraine has a moment in which street protests redefine the country's political direction. The Orange revolution of 2004; the Maidan revolution of 2014; and now, over the past 10 days, the first major wave of protest since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion. A series of unexpectedly boisterous and well-attended demonstrations forced Volodymyr Zelenskyy to execute a swift U-turn on his decision to scrap the independence of two anti-corruption bodies. On Thursday, MPs reversed the contentious changes they had adopted a week previously. Outside the parliament building, crowds whooped and cheered as the result of the vote was announced. The size, scope and demands of this latest protest movement have been much more modest than those of its revolutionary predecessors, but the spectacle has been no less remarkable, given the context of full-scale war in which it has taken place. The final, celebratory gathering came only hours after the latest massive Russian airstrike had hit Kyiv, killing at least 28 people including three children. Hardly anyone had managed a good night's sleep before arriving at parliament armed with banners and high spirits. This wartime context to a large extent inspired the protests: a common sentiment that when people are laying down their lives for the country on the frontline, the government has to live up to a certain set of values. But it also limited their scope. There was none of the revolutionary enthusiasm of Maidan present here; instead, there was a sober acknowledgement that all-out political unrest would only play into Russia's hands. 'There were some people chanting for impeachment and the vast majority of others said, 'Shut up, we do not undermine the legitimacy of the president, what happened is that the legitimate president made a mistake,'' said Inna Sovsun, an MP from the opposition Holos party who attended several protests. Dmytro Koziatynskyi, whose post on social media provided the initial spark for the protest, dismissed any comparisons to Maidan for exactly this reason. 'Even if they don't pass the law, this will never become anything other than a peaceful protest,' he said, in an interview before the parliamentary vote. Koziatynskyi was a masters student in the Czech Republic before returning to Ukraine after the full-scale invasion in 2022 and signing up to become a combat medic. After three years on various parts of the frontline, he left the army in May and now works for an NGO. When he saw the news last week that parliament had rushed through a law curtailing the independence of two bodies specially designed to go after high-level corruption, he found it 'insulting', he said. 'People are not fighting so that our government can do some crazy stuff, that destroys all our achievements since 2014,' he said. He penned an angry post on social media calling on people to protest against the new law. He expected 'maximum 100 people, mostly friends and acquaintances' to join the protest. By the second night there were about 10,000 people outside the Ivan Franko theatre, the nearest point to the presidential office that is accessible to the public. Most of those who came out were young – this has been a protest wave dominated by gen Z, with friends competing for the wittiest slogan or meme reference on their handwritten placards. On Wednesday evening, a man leading the singing of the Ukrainian national anthem through a loudspeaker was holding a sign that bore a single word: 'Cringe'. Suddenly, the fate of two relatively small institutions – the national anti-corruption bureau, known as Nabu, and the specialised anti-corruption prosecutor's office, Sapo – had become the issue of the day among Ukrainian teenagers. Nabu and Sapo were established after the Maidan revolution as part of a drive against the long-running scourge of corruption in Ukraine, financed partly with US money. Some western observers agree that there are problems with Nabu and Sapo: too many cases opened and not enough of them brought to a conclusion, for one. In theory, some streamlining would make sense; in practice, Zelenskyy's move looked a lot like bringing independent investigators under political control. With the Trump administration no longer pushing an anti-corruption agenda, and Europe on summer holidays, Zelenskyy's team appears to have felt they could push the bill through quickly, without anyone paying much attention. That might have been the case were it not for the protests. But the images of thousands of young people demanding the law's repeal forced European politicians to take a stand, and several leaders spoke privately to Zelenskyy to tell him he needed to find a way out of the self-inflicted mess. Sign up to Headlines Europe A digest of the morning's main headlines from the Europe edition emailed direct to you every week day after newsletter promotion 'This became a major breach of trust. It's problematic both from an EU accession point of view and in that it makes it much harder for friends of Ukraine to continue making the case that the country needs support,' said one diplomatic source in Kyiv. Zelenskyy's response was swift and decisive, even if somewhat embarrassing for the MPs of his Servant of the People party, who were instructed to vote against the very thing they had been ordered to vote for the previous week. Now that the status quo has been re-established, there are two very different readings of the whole episode. One sees a leader using wartime powers to try to stifle independent institutions, too out of touch to predict the obvious backlash. Another reflects on how, even in wartime, Ukrainian society is still capable of expressing democratic sentiment, and its leaders still able to react swiftly to it. Koziatynskyi, whose post started off the protest wave, leans towards the second view. 'The protests showed that Ukrainian democracy is as strong as possible in times of a full-scale war, and our society is mature enough to have a dialogue with the government, and the government is able to listen,' he said. Zelenskyy's five-year presidential term should have ended last year, but almost all Ukrainians, including his fiercest opponents, agree that elections are both legally and technically impossible during wartime. With Russia's nightly attacks continuing, and a hope that Donald Trump might finally start getting tougher on Russia, that consensus has not changed. Nobody wants upheaval, but the outburst of protest may yet change the political atmosphere. 'Legally, everything will go back to how it was; politically, it's more complicated,' said Sovsun. 'It's unpredictable what this might have done to Ukrainian society. We have basically lifted the unspoken rule that we don't protest during martial law.'


The Guardian
3 hours ago
- The Guardian
Ukraine war briefing: death toll from Kyiv strike rises to 31 as Russia accelerates military advance
The death toll from Russia's worst airstrike of the year on Ukraine's capital rose to 31 on Friday after rescuers recovered more than a dozen more bodies from the rubble of a collapsed apartment block in Kyiv overnight. A two-year-old was among the five children found dead after Thursday's Russian drone and missile attack, the Ukrainian president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said on Friday, announcing the end of the rescue operation. A total of 159 people were wounded in the strikes, which saw Russia launch more than 300 drones and eight missiles early on Thursday. The EU foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, described Thursday's attacks as 'depraved' and posted a picture of the bloc's flag at half mast. 'More weapons for Ukraine and tougher sanctions on Russia are the fastest way to end the war. Getting more air defences to Ukraine fast is our priority,' she added in a post. Zelenskyy has been appealing to allies for more air defence systems and on Friday, Germany said it would soon start delivering two more US-made Patriot launchers to Ukraine. Germany has already delivered three Patriot systems to Ukraine since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion in February 2022. Russia's military advance in Ukraine accelerated for a fourth straight month in July, according to AFP's analysis of data from the US-based Institute for the Study of War. From August 2024 to July 2025, the Russian army captured nearly 5,900 sq km, compared with 1,360 sq km in the previous 12 months. In July, the Russian army took 713 sq km of Ukrainian territory, while Ukraine reclaimed 79 sq km. Nearly three-quarters of Russian advances in July were in the eastern Donetsk region. Moscow fully or partially controlled 78% of the region at the end of July, compared with 62% a year ago. About 31% of this region was already under the control of pro-Russian separatists before the start of Russia's full-scale invasion. Donald Trump has said that he deployed nuclear-capable submarines to the 'appropriate regions' in response to a threatening tweet by Russia's former president Dmitry Medvedev. In a post on Truth Social on Friday, Trump wrote that he had decided to reposition the nuclear submarines because of 'highly provocative statements' by Medvedev, who had earlier said Trump's threats to sanction Russia and a recent ultimatum were 'a threat and a step towards war'. Vladimir Putin has said he wants a 'lasting and stable peace' in Ukraine but gave no indication that he is willing to make any concessions to achieve it. The Russian president told journalists on Friday that a peace would need to be built on 'solid foundations that would satisfy both Russia and Ukraine, and would ensure the security of both countries'. Seemingly referencing Trump's comments that he was 'disappointed' with Putin, the Russian leader added: 'All disappointments arise from inflated expectations.' Europe must start seeing the Ukrainian military as a European army, the prominent Russian opposition activist Ilya Yashin told hundreds of Russian exiles in Serbia on Friday. 'The Ukrainian army is not only protecting Ukraine, it is protecting Europe from Russian aggression,' he said in a speech at a Belgrade concert hall. Yashin was imprisoned in 2022 for criticising Russia's invasion of Ukraine and released last year. Between February 2022 and 2024, more than 74,000 Russians registered for temporary residence in Serbia, according to the latest interior ministry data.


Times
4 hours ago
- Times
Gestures are not enough — we need a coherent strategy for Ukraine
In the run-up to the presidential election in 2024, Donald Trump often expressed his confident belief that he could stop the war between Russia and Ukraine within 24 hours. In the months since, despite the US president's frequent oscillations between flattery of Vladimir Putin and exasperation, the latter has done everything possible to disabuse Mr Trump of his initial assumption. Indeed, in recent months Moscow has escalated its offensive with thousands of drones and missiles. In Scotland on July 28, Mr Trump warned Russia that it had a new deadline of 'ten or 12 days' to reach a peace deal with Ukraine or face tough new sanctions. Mr Putin was not slow to give his reply. Last Thursday morning, just three days later, Kyiv was surveying the grotesque aftermath of a seven-hour Russian aerial bombardment which killed at least 31 people and injured more than 150: the deadliest attack on the city in a year. Mr Trump's early tensions with President Zelensky, the flashpoint of which was a notoriously ill-humoured meeting in the Oval Office in February, have given way to his growing public frustration with Mr Putin. That anger has translated in modern-day gunboat diplomacy with Mr Trump deploying two nuclear submarines nearer to Russia. In April, after a Russian air attack killed 12 people in Kyiv, Mr Trump pleaded in a social media post 'Vladimir, STOP!'. In May, after a weekend of Russian drone and missile assaults upon Ukraine, he observed that Mr Putin had 'gone absolutely CRAZY'. • Peace deadline shows Trump has run out of patience with Putin Following the most recent outrage, the US president's rhetoric has hardened, to describe Russia's actions as 'disgusting' and warn that 'we're going to put sanctions' on Russia. For a man whose abiding creed is the 'art of the deal' this much must now be glaringly apparent to Mr Trump: the US has already made significant concessions with Russia on Ukraine, and received nothing in return. Not least among these were the indications by Pete Hegseth, the US defence secretary, that Ukraine could not expect to reclaim the land which Russia has seized since 2014, and nor would it be permitted to join Nato. Given Mr Putin's unwillingness to compromise, the time for heavy US sanctions against Russia is long overdue. Without decisive action, Mr Trump will increasingly resemble a spurned and insulted King Lear, threatening, 'I will do such things — what they are yet I know not, but they shall be the terrors of the earth!' Sergey Lavrov, the Russian foreign minister, recently openly ridiculed Mr Trump's shifting deadlines and ultimatums. So did the excitable former Russian president Dmitry Medvedev, who also verbally menaced the US leader with a Russian Cold-War era nuclear system known as the 'Dead Hand'. Beyond such symbolic gestures as moving the submarines, a much more cool-headed and coherent US approach to Russian aggression is needed. Mr Trump has spoken of sanctions and 'secondary tariffs', suggesting penalties on countries that trade strongly with Russia, such as India, China and Turkey. He has also announced an unspecified 'penalty' on India for its commerce with Moscow in energy and arms. Yet there remain many other potential moves, including pressuring other countries over Russia trade; ramping up the supply of weapons for Ukraine; reaching agreement with Kyiv for the joint production of advanced drones; and encouraging Europe to transfer £230 billion of frozen Russian state assets to Ukraine. A bipartisan bid in the US Congress to provide $54.6 billion in aid to Ukraine over the next two years also deserves widespread support. The US envoy Steve Witkoff is reportedly being dispatched, yet again, to Moscow. He has little thus far to show for his many chats with Mr Putin. If the US itself is not to be irrevocably weakened on the world stage, he must show that he, and his boss in the White House, finally mean business.