
U.S.-brand car sales lag in Japan, highlighting lack of demand
Only 9,517 U.S.-branded vehicles were sold in Japan in the period, undercutting U.S. President Donald Trump's claim that more Japanese should be buying American imports to address his nation's trade deficit.
Of the 121,243 units sold in the six-month period, Jeep -- owned by Netherlands-based multinational Stellantis NV -- was the best-selling U.S.-brand at 4,333 units, followed by General Motors Co.'s Chevrolet and Cadillac at 283 and 185, respectively, the Japan Automobile Importers Association said.
In contrast, German brand Mercedes-Benz alone sold 25,015 vehicles in the period, with 90.4 percent of the cars imported to Japan coming from European manufacturers.
Tesla Inc. of the United States does not disclose sales by country, but takes up almost all of the "others" category at 4,589 units, an association official said. The EV maker's imports were included in the U.S. figure.
Despite their dire position, demand for American brands is growing, rising 17.2 percent from a year earlier, reflecting the popularity of new Cadillac and Jeep EVs, the association official said.
Japan's imports of U.S. cars have been a focus in the ongoing negotiations over Trump's tariffs, with the president expressing dissatisfaction that so few U.S. cars are seen on Japanese roads. He has blamed Japanese nontariff barriers, such as differences in safety tests, for the situation.
Japan, which does not impose tariffs on imported cars, says its rules and standards are in line with United Nations regulations, and that it does not implement particularly strict rules on such vehicles.
Auto analysts say Japanese buyers are not attracted to the types of vehicle typically offered by American automakers, such as large pick-up trucks, with domestic consumers preferring smaller vehicles due to Japan's narrow roads.
Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba also said in parliament earlier this year that foreign automakers need to be mindful of Japanese consumers' preference for right-hand drive, fuel-efficient vehicles.
"Foreign automakers have to produce cars that suit Japanese consumers and that is up to American companies," Ishiba said, adding that limited dealer networks are also a crucial factor contributing to aversion to U.S. brands.
Foreign carmaker officials in Japan agree with Ishiba's assessment, with some stressing the key to expansion is to study and respond to domestic preferences and also to engage continuously with buyers through dealerships.
"Our strength is accessibility with a network of 200 stores nationwide, allowing people in Japan to casually visit and experience (our cars) hands-on," said Takeshi Sawamura, senior manager at Volkswagen Group Japan K.K.
"Japan's regulations are sometimes noted as nontariff barriers but the rules are moving toward" the global standard, Sawamura said. "What matters is whether we can produce cars that suit the Japanese market."
Jin Narita, head of Stellantis Japan Ltd. -- which owns Italian, French and U.S. brands including Jeep, Alfa Romeo, Peugeot and Citroen -- said the company prioritizes having a wide range of products that are attractive to many Japanese drivers.
"Stellantis cars are positioned between domestic makers' models and premium models. We offer unique models, such as Jeep that appeal" to consumers' adventurous side, Narita said.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Nikkei Asia
2 hours ago
- Nikkei Asia
Japan pension whale GPIF posts $678bn in returns over 5 years
Japan's Government Pension Investment Fund is one of the world's largest institutional investors. (Photo by Nikkei) AKIRA INUJIMA and JUMPEI KINEFUCHI TOKYO -- Japan's Government Pension Investment Fund enlarged its assets by 98 trillion yen ($678 billion) over five years ending with fiscal 2024 while posting returns of 1.7 trillion yen, or $11.8 billion, for that final fiscal year, the fund reported on Friday. Rising stock prices at home and abroad drove the heavy gains over the medium-term period. But the weak yen also played a role, accounting for about 40% of the increase, prompting concern about a backlash as the Japanese currency strengthens.

Nikkei Asia
3 hours ago
- Nikkei Asia
India proposes retaliatory duties at WTO against US tariffs on autos
India did not specify the tariff rate or which autos it would levy duties on. © Reuters NEW DELHI (Reuters) -- New Delhi has proposed retaliatory duties against the U.S. at the World Trade Organization, saying Washington's 25% tariff on automobiles and some auto parts would affect $2.89 billion of India's exports, according to an official notification. "India reserves the right to suspend concessions or other obligations ... that are substantially equivalent to the adverse effects of the measure to India's trade," the statement said. According to the notification, the duty collected by the U.S. would amount to $725 million and New Delhi will impose an "equivalent amount of duty collected from products originating in the United States". India did not specify the tariff rate or which goods it would levy duties on. India is trying to clinch a trade war with Washington before a July 9 deadline set by U.S. President Donald Trump, after which he has threatened to impose a 26% tariff on all imported Indian goods. India has signaled it is ready to slash its high tariff rates for the U.S. but has not conceded on Washington's demands for opening up the agriculture and dairy sectors.


Japan Times
7 hours ago
- Japan Times
As trade deadline approaches, Japan must draw lines
According to conventional wisdom, a strong national leader will force a weak one, or one with less popular support, to buckle in tough negotiations. By that logic, U.S. President Donald Trump has the whip hand in trade talks with Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba. Yet, Ishiba has held out, resisting U.S. pressure to sign a quick deal, a position that is strengthened, ironically, by Ishiba's weakness. The prime minister cannot afford to make concessions as the July 20 Upper House election approaches. His spine is stiffened by the failure of the U.S. to make clear its demands and the U.S. president's record of ripping up deals that even he negotiated. Clarity and trust are the essential prerequisites of successful negotiations. Neither exists today. Japan was worried about Trump's return to the White House, fearful that the bilateral relationship would suffer given the 45th and 47th president's long-time animus toward Japan and the absence of a 'Trump whisperer,' former Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. Yet, in January, Trump described the partnership as 'a friendship like few others,' certain that 'the cherished alliances between our two countries will continue to flourish long into the future!' Sensing opportunity, Ishiba hurried to Washington to meet Trump, a move that some considered unseemly and perhaps unwise, but the resulting summit was a success. When Trump announced that he would impose blanket 10% tariffs on all trade partners, with still greater sanctions on specific sectors like autos, auto parts, steel and aluminum, Japan was one of the first countries to begin negotiations on a deal, its faith in the relationship yielding confidence that an agreement was possible. Since then, Ryosei Akazawa, Japan's chief tariff negotiator, has visited Washington regularly, sometimes weekly, in search of a deal. Despite seven rounds of talks, periodic claims that an agreement was imminent and impressive efforts by Japan to court the mercurial U.S. president — at one point, Akazawa wore a 'Make America Great Again' cap while meeting Trump — the two countries remain at loggerheads. In the last round, held late last month, Akazawa failed to even meet Scott Bessent, U.S. treasury secretary and chief U.S. negotiator, or U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer. Worse, when the talks adjourned Trump unloaded on Japan, complaining that the country was 'spoiled' and took no U.S. rice or automobiles. Talking to reporters, he wasn't sure if a deal with Japan was possible, saying 'I doubt it. ... They're very tough.' Trump said that he would be sending Japan 'a letter,' or notice of his intent to impose tariffs on its goods, which would mark 'the end of the trade deal.' In an interview, Trump warned that Japan would 'pay a 25% tariff on your cars,' and later comments hinted it could be as high as a 35% levy. Japan responded with silence. While the current deadline for a deal is July 9, Bessent has indicated that an extension might be possible. There are reports that Akazawa may make yet another trip to Washington for another round of talks. One of the questions he needs answered is what purpose U.S. tariffs serve. If they are intended to raise revenue that facilitates the restructuring of the U.S. tax system, which would imply that they are permanent, then the parameters of a deal are much changed. An agreement is difficult when one side doesn't understand the facts. The charge that Japan imports no U.S. rice is false, as agriculture minister Shinjiro Koizumi explained. 'Rice imports from abroad, including from the U.S., had increased 120 times from a year earlier.' If Japanese consumers don't buy U.S. automobiles, it isn't because of tariffs — this country imposes no levy on imported passenger cars — but because American automakers don't build vehicles that Japanese want. Koizumi was right to call Trump's comments an 'obvious misunderstanding of the facts.' Autos are central to any eventual resolution of this dispute. Trump insists that his 25% tariff, imposed in March, is nonnegotiable. Japan wants it gone. The U.S. may believe that Japan will be squeezed by its tariffs. And, in fact, exports to the U.S. dropped by 11% year on year in May, with automobile exports down 24.7%. Automakers have been working to avoid passing on the tariff costs, but they are reaching the limits at which they can squeeze their supply chains. Japanese automakers have increased production in the U.S., which is one of Trump's objectives. Any eventual resolution is more likely to reflect larger political and economic considerations than the specific terms of any document. Fearful of some of the consequences, Trump has been criticized for failing to follow through on his threats and the prospect of an economic slowdown in the U.S. — the perpetual warning of economists when they evaluate his trade policy — could force him to back off again. Trump has also been promising deals for so long and has achieved such meager results — only agreements with Vietnam and the U.K., while a purported pact with China remains unclear — that his administration might settle for something with Japan that is more symbolic than real. If Trump believed that Ishiba would readily submit to his demands, he was mistaken. That error is understandable. The U.S. is central to Japan's economy and critical to its security but the leverage that affords the U.S. president is limited. Growing numbers of Japanese voters oppose gross concessions. One poll shows more than half of voters believe Japan should not make a deal even if it hurts the bilateral relationship. Only 15% agree to concessions to avoid additional tariffs. Most worrisome now is a growing sense among the Japanese public that the U.S. is no longer a reliable partner. After all, in 2019, Trump and Abe released a joint statement after signing a trade pact that said 'While faithfully implementing these agreements, both nations will refrain from taking measures against the spirit of these agreements and this Joint Statement.' Yet here we are again. American credibility is also diminished by constant calls for ever-more defense spending, first to 2% of gross domestic product, then 3% and now 5%. It is not surprising, then, that another recent poll showed that only 22% either greatly (3%) or somewhat (19%) trust the U.S., while 68% somewhat (46%) or entirely (22%) distrust it. An agreement is difficult in these circumstances. Still, it is possible. And Japan has cards to play. It could pledge to increase purchases of crude oil, natural gas and agricultural products to help balance trade accounts. While these are ultimately private sector decisions, the Japanese government could also encourage companies to invest in the U.S. This shouldn't take much effort since it is already occurring. But Japan must also draw lines. While this country needs a good working relationship with the U.S., it must not be at any cost. This country has national interests to protect. They include a thriving security partnership, a stable and growing economy and a rules-based international order. Indulging a mercurial if not arbitrary U.S. president is not among them, especially if it threatens those other concerns. The Japan Times Editorial Board