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US lawmakers raise alarm over data collection by OnePlus without users' permission: Report

US lawmakers raise alarm over data collection by OnePlus without users' permission: Report

Time of Indiaa day ago
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Two U.S. lawmakers have asked the US Commerce Department to investigate Chinese smartphone maker OnePlus over alleged security concerns. According to a Reuters report, representatives John Moolenaar and Raja Krishnamoorthi sent a letter to the department raising concerns that OnePlus devices may be collecting sensitive user data without consent and sending it to China-owned servers.
The letter claims that
OnePlus smartphones
may be gathering personal data, including "transfers of sensitive personal information and screenshots," without users' explicit permission. The lawmakers wrote, 'This investigation would determine the types of information being collected by OnePlus devices.'
They cited a commercial analysis that reportedly found the data collection patterns and flagged them as potentially unsafe. The information, according to the lawmakers, 'indicates' that OnePlus may be sending this data to servers owned by entities in China.
This isn't the first time the US government has raised red flags over Chinese tech companies. In 2020, Huawei faced federal charges including racketeering and intellectual property theft. The company received temporary relief from U.S. trade bans but continued to face scrutiny under national security laws.
The TikTok controversy in 2022 followed a similar path, with officials accusing the app of sharing sensitive user data with its Chinese parent company, ByteDance. At the time, U.S. FCC Commissioner Brendan Carr stated, 'It harvests swaths of sensitive data that new reports show is being accessed in Beijing.'
The call to investigate OnePlus echoes ongoing concerns over how Chinese-owned tech firms handle U.S. consumer data and whether that data could be accessed by foreign governments.
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SCO Summit: India, Pakistan And The Curious Case Of Missing Fingers
SCO Summit: India, Pakistan And The Curious Case Of Missing Fingers

News18

time16 minutes ago

  • News18

SCO Summit: India, Pakistan And The Curious Case Of Missing Fingers

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Last week, when Defence Minister Rajnath Singh refused to sign the SCO's joint statement on countering terrorism, he not only safeguarded Bharat's core security interests but also offered a glimpse of a country willing to stand firm—alone if necessary—in pursuit of its national priorities. The Defence Minister's conduct at the SCO summit reflects a growing confidence, maturity, and self-assuredness of the country while dealing with global powers. Unlike in the past, when New Delhi would have been tempted to make a compromise for the sake of 'consensus" or 'regional solidarity", today's Bharat doesn't mind walking that extra mile on treacherous terrains if the country's long-term interest so demands. The SCO draft statement was a watered-down document that, with Chinese collusion, sought to downplay Pakistan's terror connections. It also refused to acknowledge, far less condemn, Islamabad's sinister role in not just waging but also spreading global jihad. What particularly irked New Delhi was the refusal to give the dastardly Pahalgam attack a place in the draft statement. For Bharat—having borne the brunt of Pakistan-sponsored terrorism for decades—any endorsement of such a document would have compromised its core security interests. More so in the wake of the much successful Operation Sindoor, where Bharat drew for Pakistan—and the world—a new Lakshman Rekha on terrorism. Critics argue that Bharat should reconsider its engagement with institutions like the SCO, given their internal dynamics and frequent tilt against Bharat's interests. But there is a compelling counterpoint: Bharat's very participation forces these blocs to confront their inconsistencies. By attending and then refusing to endorse a flawed document, Bharat highlighted the SCO's duplicity on terrorism. New Delhi's presence gives the SCO a democratic legitimacy, especially when most of its member states lack genuine democratic credentials. At the same time, it does moderate the innate anti-Bharat tendencies of such institutions. Yet, the incident is also a reminder of the solitary nature of Bharat's fight against Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. The West's support often stops at rhetoric. Washington's Bharat policy is still largely China-driven, focused on counterbalancing Beijing rather than addressing Islamabad's terror machinery. Europe, preoccupied with internal crises, besides being wary of disturbing its fragile equations with Islamic states, rarely ventures beyond routine condemnations, followed by an exhortation to both sides to return to talks. Russia, Bharat's time-tested partner and an SCO member, finds itself increasingly aligned with China, compelled by geopolitical realities and economic compulsions after the Ukraine war. Moscow's growing dependence on Beijing inevitably narrows the space for unequivocal support to New Delhi, especially on issues where Chinese and Pakistani interests converge. 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The good thing is, as Rajnath Singh's resolute stance at the SCO shows, Naya Bharat not just counts the fingers after shaking hands with other powers; it has also started making them accountable if some of the fingers go missing after the handshake! About the Author Utpal Kumar Utpal Kumar is Opinion Editor, News18 and Firstpost. He can be reached at He tweets @utpal_kumar1 First Published:

Trump says Vietnam to face 20% tariff under 'great' deal
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On U'khand's kanwar corridor, food licence rule revives old fears
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Time of India

time36 minutes ago

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On U'khand's kanwar corridor, food licence rule revives old fears

Haridwar: Days before the annual pilgrimage begins, a rule requiring all food vendors in Uttarakhand's kanwar corridor to display their licences and registration certificates — documents that include names and ownership details — has triggered panic among a set of shopkeepers. Muslim-owned eateries and stalls, some in business for decades, now find themselves hesitating. Not because the paperwork is new, but because its visibility might cost them their customers, and possibly their safety. "If our names are up there, why would the kanwariyas stop at our shops?" asked Farman, who runs a modest eatery in Jwalapur's Indira Basti. Around him, others nodded. They weren't contesting the law. Their worry was simpler: that in the charged atmosphere of a religious procession, identity could quickly become a liability. In Haridwar and nearby Roorkee, Muslim artisans have for years crafted the kanwars themselves, fastening cloth and sequins, sometimes adding miniature shrines. "Even those are being avoided now," said another resident, who asked not to be named. "So, they wear red vests, carry towels—anything to blend in." by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like How to Choose the Right Lender Lenders | Search Ads Undo It is not lost on anyone that the rule requiring licence display is an old one. Officials cite the Food Safety Act of 2006. "This is routine," said Haridwar DM Mayur Dikshit. "It has nothing specifically to do with the kanwar yatra. No one will be asked about their name or religion." On the ground, though, perception moves faster than policy. The vendors said the implications of the govt mandate are anything but routine. "There are around 50 to 60 artisans from Meerut who come here every year to make the palaki kanwar. People love it, they buy it. So why won't they buy food from us?" asked Ahsan Ansari, a local municipal councillor. The question sounded rhetorical, but behind it lay the assertion that commerce and faith have, for long, existed side by side in this city. Piran Kaliyar, a few kilometres from Roorkee, is one of the places where this tension is most palpable. The Ganga canal cuts through it, and along the left embankment, for a stretch of about three kilometres, local Muslims set up stalls during the yatra. They sell tea, fruits, and offer first-aid. In past years, the dargah of Alauddin Ali Ahmad Sabir, the 13th-century Chishti saint after whom the town is named, even hosted fruit stalls for pilgrims. Last year, there were nearly a hundred such setups. This year, hesitation has taken their place. Shah Ali Manjar Aijaz, the Sajjada Nasheen of the shrine, did not mince words. "The rule is good in principle," he said. "But the effect is that kanwariyas may avoid our stalls. Worse, if anything happens — some incident, a brawl —we could be blamed because our names are on display." He paused, then added, "It's a kind of exposure we didn't ask for." The atmosphere in Rishikesh, another key point on the yatra route, is less tense. The stretch from there to the Neelkanth Mahadev temple has no Muslim-run stalls. "We don't expect any issues here," said Lakshman Jhula SHO Santosh Paithwal. "Still, we're preparing as per the directive." Elsewhere, reactions have been polarised. Hindu Raksha Sena, a hardline outfit, hailed the order as a necessary step to protect "religious sanctity." A delegation thanked chief minister Pushkar Singh Dhami and handed over a memorandum to city magistrate Kusum Chauhan. Their concern was not about licences or business, but about faith, and how it should be "protected" during the yatra. But in places like Indira Basti and Piran Kaliyar, faith isn't the problem. The unease is quieter, the kind that rises when people feel seen not for what they do, but for who they are. A fruit vendor near the dargah, folding up his stall before dusk, said, "We've been serving them for years. Now we're afraid they'll walk past."

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