
The flaw in Wes Streeting's AI NHS app plan
Speaking at Blackpool Football Club earlier this week, Wes Streeting announced his latest bid to modernise the NHS: bold new additions to the NHS app. Artificial intelligence would be used to empower people, turning them into experts on their own conditions, while another feature would 'show patients everything from their nearest pharmacy to the best hospital for heart surgery across the country, with patients able to choose based on their preference'. These features will reportedly be introduced within the next three years, with an extra £10 billion allocated by Rachel Reeves in her spending review to fund NHS technology.
How exactly will NHS providers be 'inspired' by patients being offered choice?
Given the impressive capabilities of freely available AI tools, the need to spend £10 billion on bespoke NHS software appears questionable from the outset. Streeting's optimism about the NHS's skill with large IT projects is impressive. I have the NHS app on my phone, and it reliably opens without crashing. With a finger I can ask it to arrange repeat prescriptions or to show me my GP records, although in both cases it responds by saying it can't help as it can't connect to my surgery. The app also offers to transfer me seamlessly to 111 for medical advice where, after only five or six pages of warnings, it asks permission for it to pass on my medical history. With that granted, it passes me to 111 which, having received all my information, starts by asking me my sex at birth.
£10 billion, coincidentally, is the amount the Public Accounts Committee said, in 2013, had been wasted on an abandoned attempt to introduce an electronic patient record system to the NHS. 'The biggest IT failure ever seen', Dan Poulter, back then a Conservative health minister, condemned Labour's incompetence and responded with 'a £1 billion technology fund to help the NHS go paperless by 2018'.
Perhaps readers will be unsurprised to hear that the NHS is not, in fact, now paperless. Or to hear that we're already using artificial intelligence without the government's help. Some colleagues are shy about their use of ChatGPT for clinical knowledge but it's widespread and so it should be. Medical knowledge expanded beyond the bounds of a single person's memory generations ago, and knowing the best ways to look things up has been a key skill ever since.
For patients, ChatGPT, Gemini, Grok, and others already help. I used to sometimes advise people not to look certain matters up, confident that a quick Google would yield them the wrong end of a needlessly frightening stick. Today's large language models are better. For all their hazards, they respond to clinical questions not only with a decent chance of accuracy, but also with a high degree of useful context. They are the best products of some of the world's finest – and most highly paid – minds. Our NHS IT experts may well be poised to do a better job, but history suggests they are more likely to take ChatGPT and ineptly make it worse, wasting another £10 billion in the process.
Notably, Streeting's Blackpool speech was not chiefly about technology. He introduced the NHS App's new features as methods for tackling his real focus of inequality. Beveridge, in 1942, spoke of the need for a welfare state to fight the five giants of idleness, ignorance, disease, squalor and want. Streeting attributed today's inequality to 'poverty, a lack of good work, damp housing, dirty air, and the sporting, travel and cultural opportunities which are afforded to the privileged few being denied to the many'.
The shift worth noticing, because it is society's and not just Streeting's, is that people, and particularly the less fortunate, have ceased being spoken of as though they possess responsibility or control. Both, instead, rest wholly with the state. Streeting is right to care most for the least fortunate, whose opportunities are most constrained, but encouraging them to believe that what freedom they do possess is an illusion, and that they are not active agents but helpless victims, is harmful. Compassion, when sufficiently misguided, can be unkind.
When it comes to My Choice, the app's feature to 'democratise' the NHS, Streeting's thinking seems equally flawed. 'If NHS providers know that their waiting times, health outcomes of their patients and patient satisfaction ratings will all be publicly available,' he said in his speech. 'They will be inspired to respond to patient choice, raise their game and deliver services that patients value.'
This sounds attractive, just as it does to hold the state responsible for everything that's wrong in the world, but it makes as little sense. How exactly will NHS providers be 'inspired' by patients being offered choice? Here in the NHS almost everyone has a job for life, and equality means that within each field we are paid the same, regardless of talent or industry. And the senior managers, the only ones whose jobs are tenuous, almost invariably seem to fail upwards, leaving one post where they've been harmful in order to take another at a higher rate. Odd, to invoke the invisible hand of market forces in a context that effectively bans them.
Streeting appears to be a bright & decent man genuinely trying to improve the NHS. Against an admittedly dire collection of colleagues, he seems to be the highlight of Labour's benches. It is hard not to root for him, especially as any success he has will be our success too. Harder still, sadly, to see him pulling it off.
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Times
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‘Tell me what to ask about' — MP faces cash for questions claims
A former Conservative minister allowed a company that paid him £60,000 a year to effectively write several of his parliamentary questions, leaked emails have revealed. George Freeman submitted queries to Labour ministers about the sector the firm operates in, potentially handing the company a commercial advantage. He also asked a director at the environmental monitoring company to tell him 'what to ask about', in exchanges that may have breached ethics rules and are likely to see Freeman accused of taking 'cash for questions'. In one exchange, he asked if they could help him 'get the wording right', which he could then 'convert into parliamentary language'. In some examples, the phrases used by the company's director are copied word for word by Freeman in his submitted questions to ministers. The Mid Norfolk MP is also alleged to have held virtual business meetings using his office in Portcullis House. An email appears to show that in one of these meetings he discussed various business objectives with the firm. Freeman, 57, who was first elected as an MP in 2010, resigned as science minister from Rishi Sunak's government in November 2023. He later complained he could not afford to pay his £2,000 a month mortgage on a ministerial salary of £118,300. In April last year, he began acting as a paid adviser to GHGSat Limited, which uses satellites and aircraft sensors to measure greenhouse gases, including methane, from industrial sites and helps businesses monitor and reduce their emissions. Freeman appears to have broken multiple rules set out in the MPs' code of conduct, including lobbying on behalf of a private company he was paid by and using the parliamentary estate for his private business interests. He also appears to have failed to follow the advice issued to him by the advisory committee on business appointments (Acoba), the watchdog that regulates the private sector roles ex-ministers and civil servants can take up after leaving office. Approached on Saturday, Freeman said that, while he did not believe he had done anything wrong, he was immediately referring himself to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards, the watchdog responsible for policing MPs' conduct. As science and space minister, Freeman was heavily involved in the sector that GHGSat operates in, although he does not appear to have dealt with the firm while in office or presided over policies, regulation or commercial decisions that would have benefited it. He is now a member of the Commons science and technology committee, as well as a UK trade envoy. The company paid him £5,000 a month for eight hours of work between April last year and March this year. Leaked emails suggest that, while on the payroll, he tabled written parliamentary questions to government departments with the help of the managing director, Dan Wicks. Written parliamentary questions are seen as a vital tool for MPs, allowing them to seek data or information not in the public domain, or press the government to take action. They are only supposed to be tabled as part of their parliamentary duties and not their private business interests. At 11.35am on November 27 last year, Freeman emailed Wicks to notify him that 'following our latest catch up I'm preparing some written parliamentary questions to table on the DSIT [Department for Science and Technology] space data and Desnz [Department for Energy Security and Net Zero] emissions tracking platforms. 'So that I get the wording right can you email me the key technical terms / names of the projects / frameworks and what to ask about & I'll then convert into the right parliamentary language.' At 4.29pm, Wicks replied that Freeman should ask questions of the DSIT to better understand whether it would continue 'investment in national space data activities'. He then listed three specific areas he could ask about. The first was to ask the DSIT whether it would continue to invest in 'the Earth observation Data Pilot run by the Geospatial Commission and whether that will be extended or grown into a pan-government purchasing mechanism'. This was a government-run pilot launched in 2023, when Freeman was still science minister, which was testing ways public bodies could access satellite data to better inform 'analysis in key policy areas, including land use, environmental monitoring and emergency response'. Wicks's second proposal was for Freeman to ask the DSIT whether it planned to 'continue funding the Earth observation data hub as a tool for public sector to access and make use of different Earth observation data'. This was another programme funded by the DSIT, and uses a mix of public and paid-for commercial space data to inform decision making within government, businesses and academia. On GHGSat's website, it stated it supplies data to the hub. Outlining his third proposed question, Wicks added: 'And of course, the Methane programme run by UK Space Agency that makes use of GHGSat data.' Freeman was responsible for the UK Space Agency when he was a minister. He also suggested Freeman ask the agency's chief executive about his recent commitment to 'prioritise 'supporting development of methane emissions measurement best-practices'.' Wicks then suggested Freeman submit a separate question to Ed Miliband's Desnz department to work out whether it would 'start integrating more GHG [greenhouse gas] measurement data' into its methodology for calculating emissions which he said would build on 'investments such as Greenhouse Gas Emissions Measurement and Modelling Advancement (Gemma) to explore the added value of satellite data.' All of the proposals set out in Wicks's email appear to be aimed at obtaining information from ministers that would be beneficial to GHGSat: The following day, at 12.51pm, Freeman emailed a member of his parliamentary staff and asked them to submit questions to ministers via the clerks who formally process written questions on behalf of MPs. He asked his staffer to tick 'any 'interest declaration' box if there is one' — a process which flags that an MP has asked a question that relates to one of their publicly registered interests. While this was done, it was not disclosed that the company had shaped his questions. Freeman then listed five questions for DSIT, all of which draw on the proposals Wicks had made the day before: Freeman also requested three questions be submitted to Desnz and a final question be tabled to the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs: A search of the parliament's website shows eight of these questions were formally tabled by Freeman over several days in December last year, with ministers responding several weeks later to each of them. The MPs' code of conduct makes clear that 'taking payment in return for advocating a particular matter in the House is strictly forbidden'. It adds that they may not speak in the Commons, vote or initiate parliamentary proceedings, or make approaches to ministers in return for payment — and must not initiate proceedings which would provide financial or material benefit to an organisation or individual from whom they have received financial reward. It also prohibits MPs from pursuing interests which are 'wholly personal', 'such as may arise from a profession or occupation outside the House'. Hannah White, director of the Institute for Government think tank, who previously served as secretary to the Committee on Standards in Public Life, said: 'Commons rules are intended to prevent any public perception that 'outside individuals or organisations' might pay an MP in order to benefit from their actions in Parliament. The evidence suggests there are clear questions to answer about whether these rules have been breached.' The Sunday Times has also seen extracts from Freeman's online work calendar showing he had regular meetings with GHGSat and Wicks via Zoom calls from at least July last year until March this year. One, on October 22 between 4.45pm and 5.45pm, listed Freeman as the organiser and the location as 'PCH', short for parliament's Portcullis House, where Freeman's parliamentary office is based. It is alleged by a source that he held several meetings with businesses that are listed on his register of interests using his parliamentary computer. In an email attached to this meeting, Wicks asked Freeman whether he would be able to meet with him and GHGSat's president, Stéphane Germain, 'in person next week' and that they should schedule 'regular' 30-minute catch-ups twice a week. Wicks then outlined priorities they had 'discussed on the call', one of which was 'UK Gov engagement', and another 'engagement strategies with senior officials'. The MPs' code of conduct states that 'excepting modest and reasonable personal use, members must ensure that the use of facilities and services provided to them by parliament, including an office, is in support of their parliamentary activities, and is in accordance with all relevant rules'. When Freeman took up his adviser role with GHGSat, he also received advice from Acoba, the appointments watchdog. It noted that 'there are risks associated with your influence and network of contacts gained whilst in ministerial office', adding: 'In particular, this is a company that is interested in government policy and decisions relating to the civil space sector and emissions.' According to Acoba, Freeman had assured the watchdog that he had 'made it clear to the company that you will not lobby government on its behalf, and this will not form part of your role.' It imposed conditions on the appointment, including a two-year ban on him being 'personally involved in lobbying the UK government or any of its arm's length bodies on behalf of GHGSat Ltd'. Freeman said: 'As a longstanding advocate of important new technologies, companies and industries, working cross-party through APPGs [All-Party Parliamentary Groups] and the select committee, I regularly ask experts for clarification on technical points and terminology, and deeply respect and try to assiduously follow the code of conduct for MPs and the need to act always in the public interest. 'Throughout my 15 years in parliament (and government) I have always understood the need to be transparent in the work I have done for and with commercial clients and charities and am always willing to answer any criticism. I don't believe I have done anything wrong but I am immediately referring myself to the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards and will accept his judgment in due course.' A spokesman for GHGSat said: 'GHGSat retained George Freeman MP for a brief period to help GHGSat understand and navigate the geopolitical environment in the UK and Europe. GHGSat signed a services agreement with Mr Freeman that did not include any lobbying activities and was concluded on the basis of the terms laid out by the Advisory Committee on Business Appointments. GHGSat takes all applicable laws and regulations concerning lobbying extremely seriously.'


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an hour ago
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