Lula tells Trump world does not want 'emperor' after US threatens BRICS tariff
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Even as internal divisions and absent leaders hung over proceedings, this week's Brics summit in Brazil delivered an unmistakable message: the world's emerging economies are intent on shaping their own destiny, seeking consensus where once there was only Western dominance. In a joint declaration adopted on Sunday, Brics leaders warned of the threat posed to the global economy by the 'indiscriminate' use of tariffs and 'proliferation of trade-restrictive actions' – thinly veiled references to US President Donald Trump 's signature trade policy – while also condemning the recent American and Israeli military strikes on Iran. The 10-member bloc – which includes founders such as China, Russia and India, as well as newer entrants like Iran, Egypt and Indonesia – today represents nearly half the world's population and accounts for roughly 40 per cent of global economic output. Conceived two decades ago as a forum for rapidly expanding economies, Brics has evolved into what many now view as a Chinese-led counterweight to the Western order. The test is whether the grouping agrees on much more than it disagrees Sarang Shidore, Quincy Institute Global South programme director Observers point to Sunday's joint declaration as evidence that Brics could yet become 'an alternative structure to a US-led world order' cautioning that the group's growing diversity is also its greatest challenge.
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At the latest Brics summit in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, much of the attention was focused on efforts to advance a multipolar world order. However, the meeting also highlighted a quiet but decisive shift taking place between two of its members – Iran and China. Iran's growing role in shaping new pathways for the Global South and Beijing's support for Tehran's accession to Brics underscore the strategic importance of this shift. Iran was officially invited to join Brics in August 2023. This milestone signalled a more formal association with emerging powers and a strategic decoupling from Western institutions. That same year, as Western diplomats contemplated relations with Tehran while fixating on uranium enrichment levels, Iran quietly stepped up its diplomatic presence in Central Asia, signed yuan-denominated trade agreements and boosted security cooperation and intelligence sharing with China. This diplomatic pivot isn't built upon centrifuges or surviving sanctions. Rather, it's based on an enduring and deliberate reorientation towards the East. Since the US unilaterally ruptured the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in 2018, Tehran has steadily lost faith in the reliability of Western guarantees. What once looked like temporary friction now seems like structural disillusionment. Iranian leaders seem to no longer prioritise restoring balance with Europe or the United States. Instead, the focus is on reducing Iran's exposure to the West's leverage. Enter China. Although Iran and China established diplomatic ties in 1971, substantive cooperation was limited during the Cold War. It wasn't until the 2000s – especially under former Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmedinejad – that economic and energy ties significantly grew.
