Zambia: Burying Edgar Lungu in South Africa denies Zambians the chance to pay their last respects
The body of former Zambian president Edgar Chagwa Lungu remains in South Africa amid a court wrangle.
Image: File
The government of the Republic of Zambia says it will abide by the ruling of South African courts in the tense standoff over the burial of the mortal remains of the country's former president, Edgar Chagwa Lungu.
One of Africa's deepest episodes of political rivalry and animosity is playing out before South African courts, with Lungu's family saying one of the former president's dying wishes was that his successor and political nemesis, Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, should not go anywhere near his body.
However, state funeral arrangements made in Zambia, in anticipation of receiving the former president's mortal remains in Lilongwe, had Hichilema at the center, as the commander-in-chief of the Zambian Defence Forces. The Zambian government had planned State funeral arrangements in Zambia, in anticipation of receiving the former president's mortal remains in Lilongwe, with Hichilema at the center of the ceremony.
Earlier this week, IOL reported that the High Court in Pretoria had unexpectedly halted plans by the family to bury the former president in South Africa. The court ruling was delivered just moments before a private ceremony was set to commence on Wednesday. The court ruled that a full hearing on the merits of the case will take place on 4 August.
The Pretoria court's decision marked another development in the ongoing heated dispute between Lungu's family and the Zambian government over the former head of State's final resting place.
Lungu, who led Zambia from 2015 to 2021, died earlier this month in South Africa, where he was receiving treatment for an undisclosed illness. He was 68.
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Lungu's family insisted on being part of the funeral arrangements, including the repatriation of Lungu's body to Zambia from South Africa. However, the Zambian government sought full control of Lungu's funeral arrangements. Feeling excluded from the funeral arrangements, Lungu's family began to shift their plans towards a burial in South Africa, igniting a bitter confrontation with the Zambian government led by Hichilema.
On Thursday night, Zambia's Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation, Mulambo Haimbe, told broadcaster Newzroom Afrika that the impasse between the family of Lungu and the Zambian government must be resolved. Get your news on the go, click here to join the IOL News WhatsApp channel.
'I think we need to be very clear on what the intention of government is. It is not necessarily that we want to stop this process (of burying Lungu in South Africa). We need to have the impasse, the standoff resolved, one way or the other. One of those ways is through a court of competent jurisdiction, which is what has been done now,' said Haimbe.
He said given the impasse, a neutral arbiter can reflect on the contentions and determine what the outcome ought to be.
'In the event that the court then says that the law and the positions put forward by the party are such that the burial should take place in Zambia, it should be respected by all stakeholders. Likewise, if the court arrives at a decision that South Africa would be the burial place, then we would have discharged our duty to the people of Zambia who want us to ensure that all these matters are dealt with.'
'We as the government of Zambia will respect the decision of the court,' he said.
Haimbe said if the burial is done in South Africa, foreign dignitaries who would like to attend the ceremony and pay their last respect would be denied the opportunity.
'It is not a matter of the interests of President Hakainde Hichilema as has been posited by some of our colleagues out there, nor is it a matter only of government as an institution, but the wider interests of the people of the Republic of Zambia, and there are also many practical aspects to it.
'Will the majority of Zambians be able to pay their last respects to their former president in the event that he is buried in the wonderful country of South Africa? Obviously, that is not going to be possible,' he said.
Hichilema, commonly known as HH, convincingly defeated Lungu in the 2021 elections, winning by a landslide of over a million votes. The tightly-contested polls were Hichilema's sixth attempt at winning the presidency in Lusaka.
Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema.
Image: File Photo: AFP
Before occupying the State House of Zambia, in 2017, Hichilema was arrested and spent around 100 days in prison fighting charges of 'treason' after his convoy did not give way to Lungu's presidential motorcade.
Hichilema, who was at the time an opposition leader, was also accused of plotting to overthrow the government, and putting then president Lungu's life at risk.
Amid international outcry and protests, the charges were later dropped and Hichilema was released from prison in August 2017 in an apparent deal negotiated by the Commonwealth.
The rivalry has continued to escalate after Hichilema took power, with Lungu accusing his successor of targeting him and in effect placing him under house arrest.
When Lungu lost the presidency to Hichilema in 2021, he announced his retirement from active politics. However, in 2023, in a dramatic move, Lungu announced that he was returning to active politics. In response, the government of Zambia led by Hichilema withdrew retirement benefits and privileges from the former president.
Political analysts were anticipating a bruising encounter between Hichilema and Lungu in the upcoming 2026 presidential race.
The Star reported that Lungu, who ruled Zambia from 2015 to 2021, had faced a string of legal investigations and political isolation after leaving office. In recent months, those close to him reported growing stress and health concerns, raising questions about possible poisoning.

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Daily Maverick
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In one of her reports, she notes that these groups primarily leverage religious fundamentalist narratives in two key ways: by positioning themselves as defenders of the ordained 'natural' or 'traditional' family. However, in South Africa, less than a third of families conform to this narrow two-cisgender heterosexual biological parent model. The notion of protecting the family, Lynch argues, is really about exclusion – about determining who does and does not deserve social and policy protections. 'Ultimately, this 'pro-family' messaging excludes most South African families and undermines any real support for their wellbeing,' says Lynch. Common entry points for fundamentalist groups have included opposition to comprehensive sexuality education (CSE), the rights of LGBTIQ persons and their families, and safe and legal abortion. But in recent years there has been a sharp increase in opposition to the rights of transgender and gender-diverse people, especially regarding access to gender-affirming healthcare. 'There are still people who have prejudiced ideas about homosexuality and gender diversity. But this Global North anti-trans rhetoric is not organic. It is fermented in countries like the US and UK and exported to African countries. It comes back to Christian nationalism and the far right. These movements promote a narrow vision of national identity tied to conservative religious values. 'There is a rigid idea of what a family should look like, which for so long was used against same-sex marriage and LGBTQI+ rights. That is being bolstered again to attack the rights of transgender and gender-diverse people. This very particular idea of what a family should look like, within that ideology, does not accommodate gender diversity. 'Because it is rooted in a very patriarchal system, we are seeing how the rights of not only trans women but also cisgender women are being eroded again. These groups cling to the patriarchal gender binary and the traditional view of women, often tied to white supremacist ideas about race and national identity. In the US you see it at political rallies where they talk about the great replacement theory – a conspiracy claiming that certain groups are being 'replaced' demographically – and pronatalism,' says Lynch. It is an absolute and violent reinforcement of the gender binary. Jenna-Lee de Beer-Procter, a clinical psychologist and researcher, who provides mental healthcare to transgender and gender-diverse people, says: 'Gender diversity unsettles the dominant order. In societies that are built around rigid ideas of gender, where cisgender identities are treated as natural and unchanging, the idea that gender might be fluid, self-determined or simply different is seen as threatening.' Children are not protected The typical response is 'we want to protect children' when gender-affirming care is withheld. Fundamentalist groups struggle to influence policy using straightforward religious rhetoric alone. Lynch explains that 'they undermine the rights of transgender people by targeting gender-affirming healthcare'. These groups often claim they protect the 'vulnerable' and advocate for 'exploratory psychotherapy', essentially a form of conversion therapy that has been discredited as unscientific and inhumane. 'They constantly invent new terms and distort research to justify denying transgender youth access to gender-affirming care. Pseudoscience has become one of their main tools,' says Lynch. 'If they genuinely cared about transgender and gender-diverse children, they would care about them not being discriminated against. And they would accept the fact that they exist. They want to delay care and withhold any affirmation in the hope that it will go away. This leaves a child with no support. Instead, focus on ensuring that transgender youth don't have to face bullying in schools, and on creating a sense of belonging and safety regardless of a child's gender identity. It is heartbreaking that this argument is used,' says Lynch. De Beer de Beer-Procter adds: 'The harm done is immense. When care is delayed, distress increases. When identity is doubted, trust breaks down. And when young people are forced to prove they are 'really' trans before being believed, they learn that support is conditional and that they must perform their pain in just the right way to be taken seriously. Many give up. Some are forced to seek care in unsafe or underground ways. Others simply learn to disappear. 'What gets called caution is often a refusal to see – or to listen. And while it may protect institutions or adults from feeling uncertain, it leaves trans youth alone in their pain. That's not protection. That's abandonment,' they say. Questioning gender-affirming care under the guise of 'concern' within a society which privileges cisgender people over transgender people is anything but neutral. Power is not distributed evenly when certain groups are afforded more visibility, legitimacy and safety than others – not always because they ask for it, but because systems have been built around their experiences and assumptions. Cisgender people occupy this dominant position. They are not asked to prove their identities, explain their pronouns or justify the healthcare they receive. Their gender is taken for granted as 'normal', 'natural' and the 'default'. Trans people, by contrast, are consistently positioned as questionable. De Beer de Beer-Procter explains: 'Our identities are scrutinised. Our access to care is debated. Our presence in schools, hospitals and public life is treated as controversial. In this context, so-called neutrality doesn't create balance – it reinforces stigma. And it sets back the hard-fought progress we've made in securing gender-affirming care, legal recognition and the basic right to exist without being treated as a problem to solve. What's more, the 'concern' being expressed is rarely based on accurate information. Gender-affirming care is routinely misrepresented as rushed, reckless or automatic – as though thousands of children are being hurried into life-altering decisions. 'But this is simply not true. In South Africa, access to gender-affirming care is already extremely limited. Public provision exists in only a handful of clinics, often with yearslong waiting lists. Only one public clinic in the entire country offers support to trans youth. In the private sector, trained endocrinologists, social workers and mental health professionals are few and far between – and the costs place them far out of reach for most families,' says De Beer-Procter. 'Feminists' to the rescue? Some so-called feminists are also claiming that their rights are in danger. Describing themselves as 'gender critical feminists', they don't support the rights of transgender people. Most notable is JK Rowling, with Helen Zille recently echoing similar talking points in a social media post. 'I don't call them feminists because there is nothing feminist about their views. By upholding deeply misogynistic beliefs, they become complicit in their own oppression,' says Lynch. 'They can't see how something like bathroom bans against trans women is going to hurt all women. Do we really want cisgender women to have to prove that they are 'feminine' enough to be recognised as women? Are we okay with the fact that these gender-critical groups want us to police all women, including cisgender women? They are not feminists, they are not recognising that this absolute attack on transgender women is enforcing patriarchal oppression.' Lynch stresses that protecting rights is not a competition. 'We can and should all fight for cisgender women's rights – in the workplace, in reproductive justice and to ensure safety.' She points out that globally the leading cause of physical and psychological harm to women is violence within their intimate partnerships. 'But this particular flavour of so-called feminism is rooted in whiteness, it is not intersectional. It overlooks the experiences of women facing multiple and overlapping forms of oppression, including those often marginalised within feminist spaces. They cannot see beyond their own privilege. If they could, they would look at the data and fight for the urgent issues affecting all women.' The evidence is there The claim that there's a 'lack of evidence' is one of the most common, and most misleading, arguments used to question gender-affirming care. De Beer-Procter explains: 'We have longitudinal studies, clinical audits, qualitative research and systematic reviews that all point to the same thing: gender-affirming care improves mental health outcomes, reduces distress and increases wellbeing – especially when it's timely, respectful and affirming. 'But no amount of evidence will ever feel like 'enough' to people who aren't actually looking for evidence. For many of the most vocal critics, the real issue isn't about data; it's about belief – that everyone is either male or female, that this is fixed at birth, and that it reflects some 'biological truth'. 'But that belief doesn't hold up to scrutiny. It's not supported by science, and it's certainly not reflective of lived reality. 'We've known for decades that sex and gender are far more complex than two boxes on a form. Intersex people exist. Trans and non-binary people exist. Cultures all over the world have recognised more than two genders for centuries, says De Beer-Procter. So, when anti-trans groups demand 'proof', what they're often doing is moving the goalposts. They dismiss rigorous studies for not being perfect. They discredit researchers for being too close to the communities they study. And they ignore the overwhelming consensus from major medical bodies around the world. Because what's actually being defended isn't science, it's a worldview. A belief that gender diversity is a deviation rather than a natural part of human variation, and one that fuels disinformation and fear across borders. DM

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3 hours ago
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62. 4% of under 24s Jobless: Experts call for urgent reform
The tragedy of youth unemployment brings severe economic and societal consequences. Image: RON AI South Africa's younger citizens had little to celebrate this Youth Month. Unemployment among those aged between 15 and 34, who make up almost half of the country's working age population, surged to 46.1% in the first quarter of 2025, Statistics South Africa recently reported. This was up from 44.6% in the previous quarter. The facts become even more sobering at the lower end of this age group, with a staggering unemployment rate of 62.4% listed for those aged under 24. The very idea that youths born after the dawn of democracy in 1994 are referred to as 'born frees' must surely feel like a cruel joke to those facing one closed door after another while trying to make something of their lives. Youth unemployment is also incredibly costly to the economy. 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At the very least, government needs to address the poor quality of basic education, which leaves gaps in literacy and numeracy, Packirisami said, leaving the workforce ill-equipped when it comes to foundational job-specific skills. 'Government needs to encourage more students to enter Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) to provide practical skills, but these TVET colleges often suffer from underfunding, outdated curricula, and social stigma, as they are viewed as second-best options,' Packirisami added. A telling statistic is that 72% of the 'multidimensionally' poor youth in the former homeland areas of South Africa lack adequate education, according to the most recent Youth Multidimensional Poverty Index. People in these areas, deprived of essential infrastructure and services during the apartheid era, continue to suffer from widespread poverty. 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'Government, SETAs, and employers must jointly fund and scale programmes that combine classroom theory with real workplace exposure. This includes expanding artisan development, apprenticeships, internships, and learnerships that are matched to sector needs.' Role of the private sector The private sector should play a key role in helping the youth transition into the formal economy, and this goes hand in hand with addressing the broader structural challenges that have long hindered sectors such as manufacturing, mining and construction. Companies can help bridge the gap through various skills development, enterprise development and corporate social investment interventions, Mahlangu said. However, government needs to play its part in creating optimal conditions for these opportunities to be realised. 'Unlocking growth in these industries through better policy, infrastructure, and investment conditions would enable businesses to expand and create sustainable employment opportunities,' Ackerman said. 'Ultimately, enabling the private sector to thrive will help absorb more workers into the formal economy and reduce the unemployment burden, particularly among young South Africans,' he added. Unemployment remains one of the single biggest threats to South Africa's future, both socially and economically. In 2025, we have less people employed, in nominal terms, than just before the COVID pandemic, says Frederick Mitchell, chief economist at Aluma Capital. 'If you don't incentivise businesses to grow or employ people, businesses won't do that,' Mitchell said. Clearly, there is a great deal more that government could be doing to alleviate this crisis. IOL Business

IOL News
3 hours ago
- IOL News
62. 4% of under 24s Jobless: Experts call for urgent reform
The very idea that youths born after the dawn of democracy in 1994 are referred to as 'born frees' must surely feel like a cruel joke to those facing one closed door after another while trying to make something of their lives. The facts become even more sobering at the lower end of this age group, with a staggering unemployment rate of 62.4% listed for those aged under 24. Unemployment among those aged between 15 and 34, who make up almost half of the country's working age population, surged to 46.1% in the first quarter of 2025 , Statistics South Africa recently reported. This was up from 44.6% in the previous quarter. South Africa's younger citizens had little to celebrate this Youth Month. 'When fewer individuals are contributing to tax revenue, there is further strain on the fiscus,' she added. 'This diverts much-needed funding for enhancing the potential growth of the economy through infrastructure spending or for delivering on social services to maintain the overall standard of living for millions,' Packirisami told IOL. According to Sanish Packirisami, an economist at Momentum Investments, the most significant cost to the economy associated with unemployment is the strain that it puts on the fiscus, which must support an expanded social welfare programme . Youth unemployment is also incredibly costly to the economy. Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Social grants, necessitated by widespread unemployment, are a drain on the fiscus. South Africa's social welfare programme is believed to cost the Treasury around R285 billion per year. This funding includes the R370-per-month Social Relief of Distress grant that many unemployed youths apply for. Youth unemployment isn't simply a loss of productivity, it's also a loss of potential, says Dr Thabo Mashongoane, CEO of the Mining Qualifications Authority. 'Every unemployed young person represents a stalled contribution to GDP, a missed innovation, and in many cases, a future cost to the public through welfare or social assistance,' Mashongoane told IOL. Role of the informal sector While youth unemployment remains one of the most pressing challenges in South Africa, it is mitigated, to a degree, by the informal sector, says Maarten Ackerman, Chief Economist at Citadel. However, this situation also brings a set of unique challenges. 'While the informal economy is thriving and provides many youth with opportunities to earn a living, the downside is that these individuals lack access to formal financial services,' Ackerman said. 'For instance, without a payslip, it's much harder to qualify for a loan to buy a home or a car. This exclusion creates a significant gap in the economy.' Youth unemployment brings an economic as well as a human toll. Given that joblessness in South Africa is more prevalent across lower-income earning groups, it can fuel social unrest and crime, which damages the very fabric of society, Packirisami adds. An often unspoken aspect of the youth unemployment crisis is mental health. 'Poor mental health, substance abuse, limited digital access and gender-based barriers also create a divide for the unemployed,' Packirisami explained. 'More government support for those affected by poor mental health and substance abuse is necessary to provide a healthier workforce in SA.' Better support for women facing caregiving burdens was also needed to encourage female labour force participation in the economy, Packirisami added. What are the potential solutions to youth unemployment in South Africa? Addressing the youth unemployment crisis in South Africa will require a multi-pronged approach. At the very least, government needs to address the poor quality of basic education, which leaves gaps in literacy and numeracy, Packirisami said, leaving the workforce ill-equipped when it comes to foundational job-specific skills. 'Government needs to encourage more students to enter Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET) to provide practical skills, but these TVET colleges often suffer from underfunding, outdated curricula, and social stigma, as they are viewed as second-best options,' Packirisami added. A telling statistic is that 72% of the 'multidimensionally' poor youth in the former homeland areas of South Africa lack adequate education, according to the most recent Youth Multidimensional Poverty Index. People in these areas, deprived of essential infrastructure and services during the apartheid era, continue to suffer from widespread poverty. Addressing the skills mismatch Educational opportunities that are created also need to align with demand patterns in the economy, says Nkosinathi Mahlangu, Youth Employment Portfolio Head at Momentum Group. 'Alignment between institutions of higher learning and the economic drivers is key to getting young people to acquire skills that are in demand, instead of graduating or pursuing courses that will not result in employment.' Critical and scarce skills should also be listed and tracked, in order to steer the youth into careers that will help turn the tide, Mahlangu added. 'Skills that are imported need to be part of a knowledge transfer and upskilling plan that will subsequently give South Africans a chance to fill those roles in the medium to long term.'