logo
Industrial firms to face £685m property tax hit after energy support pledge

Industrial firms to face £685m property tax hit after energy support pledge

Just a week after the Government's industrial strategy revealed electricity costs for about 7,000 energy-intensive businesses would be cut by scrapping green levies, estimates suggest many of the larger firms are set to see their business rates bill soar.
Around 4,300 large-scale industrial properties in England – across manufacturing sectors such as automotive, aerospace and chemicals – will face a new business rates levy costing them around £685 million a year, according to tax and software firm Ryan.
The levy, which comes into effect in April, is part of next year's business rates revaluation and is being used to fund tax breaks for high street retail, leisure and hospitality sectors, Ryan said.
Alex Probyn, a practice leader of property tax at Ryan, said that while the industrial strategy move to reduce energy bills was welcome, 'it's perverse to then ask those very same businesses to foot the bill for high street tax cuts through higher business rates from 2026, a year before the energy support will come into effect'.
He added: 'If the goal is to boost UK competitiveness, we need a coherent strategy that tackles the total burden of fixed costs — not one that gives with one hand and then takes with the other.'
It follows Sir Keir Starmer's 10-year industrial strategy, which includes a measure to cut bills by up to 25% to help firms compete with foreign rivals.
Under the new plans, a new British Industrial Competitiveness Scheme from 2027 will cut costs by up to £40 per megawatt hour for over 7,000 manufacturing firms by exempting them from levies on bills including the renewables obligation, feed-in tariffs and the capacity market.
Around 500 of the most energy-intensive firms, including the steel industry, chemicals and glass-making, will also see their network charges cut. They currently get a 60% discount through the British Industry Supercharger scheme, which will increase to 90% from 2026.
But Ryan is calling for more coherence in strategy from the Government, cautioning that any benefit from lower energy bills risks being undermined by increased property taxation.
UK firms already face the highest property taxes in the developed world and more than double the European Union average, according to the firm.
Mr Probyn said: 'We're seeing two opposing policies rolled out simultaneously. One aims to support industry by reducing energy costs.
'The other increases a key fixed operational cost — property tax — on the very same businesses to subsidise other sectors.
'There is no coherent strategy; it's a contradiction.'
A government spokesperson said: 'We are making it easier and quicker for businesses to invest and grow by cutting British industrial electricity costs with unprecedented new support which will cut electricity costs by around 20-25% for thousands of businesses.
'Our reform to the business rates system will also create a fairer business rates system that protects the high street, supports investment and levels the playing field.
'A new, permanently lower business rates in 2026 will benefit over 280,000 retail, hospitality and leisure business properties and will be sustainably funded by a new, higher rate on the 1% of most valuable business properties.'

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Does Starmer read his speeches?
Does Starmer read his speeches?

Sky News

time13 minutes ago

  • Sky News

Does Starmer read his speeches?

👉Listen to Politics At Sam And Anne's on your podcast app👈 Sky News' Sam Coates and Politico's Anne McElvoy serve up their essential guide to the day in British politics. The prime minister has made significant concessions on the welfare bill after the threat of a mass rebellion from his own MPs. The changes have left Chancellor Rachel Reeves with another black hole in the public finances and some MPs are still planning on voting against the bill when it comes in front of the House of Commons tomorrow. Also, as Sir Keir Starmer celebrates his first full year in power, has this latest U-turn left him in a vulnerable position with his party and the wider public?

Labour must get a grip or its entire economic plan could unravel
Labour must get a grip or its entire economic plan could unravel

Times

time15 minutes ago

  • Times

Labour must get a grip or its entire economic plan could unravel

Twelve months on from Labour's general election landslide, it is a good time to ditch the slogans and soundbites — and I am afraid there will be plenty of those this week — and assess what the latest economic data says about Labour's stewardship of the economy. From my standpoint its record is neither disastrous, nor dazzling. There is a credible argument that things could have been considerably worse given the structural challenges inherited from the Conservatives. Yet a series of policy missteps have needlessly sapped momentum. In essence, Labour's first year has been defined less by a transformative economic mission and more by steady progress, punctuated by damaging miscalculation. To give credit where it is due, this government appears to be learning on the job. But it is also true that there has been a lot to learn from — unforced errors on welfare reform, labour market policy and the management of the public finances have blunted early optimism among the UK business community. A persistently tricky international backdrop has not helped either. Let us begin our assessment with GDP ­— that most central, yet blunt, measurement tool. Growth in GDP since Labour entered office in July last year has not collapsed, nor has it accelerated meaningfully. On an international comparative basis, the UK has largely tracked the G7 average, growing by a compound 0.8 per cent in US dollar terms across the last three quarters. GDP per capita, a more revealing metric of national wellbeing, has risen by a modest 0.3 per cent. This is an improvement after two years of declines, but hardly a stirring renaissance. Inflation remains central to household perceptions of the government's economic competency, and its record here is mixed. Headline inflation peaked at more than 11 per cent well before Labour took power and has markedly softened since. However, the core problem, quite literally, lies in 'core inflation' which remains stubbornly high at an annualised 3.5 per cent. Above-inflation increases to the national living wage and public sector pay have added volatility to service prices just as the Bank of England was seeking calm. April's spike in consumer price inflation, though partially driven by regulated costs like air fares and energy levies, has muddied the water for monetary policy. This dissonance — between a government talking up interest rate cuts and simultaneously fuelling wage pressures — has not gone unnoticed at the Bank. We should be wary of attributing lower interest rates as the fruit of government policy. They are being delivered despite it. Turning to fiscal policy and the record is equally chequered. While the cost for the UK government to borrow for ten years — the ten-year gilt yield — has held steady in nominal terms, the interest rate spread that the UK pays compared with its G7 peers has widened to a worrying 1.25 percentage points. This reflects heightened debt issuance pressure after the October budget, and market suspicion about the UK's long-term fiscal sustainability. If rebellious Labour backbenchers think this arithmetic magically improves with a change of chancellor I have some bad news for them. The financial markets see Rachel Reeves as considerably more credible than the vast majority of alternatives within the Labour parliamentary party. Against this backdrop the autumn budget now looms large. Having left herself just £9.9 billion of headroom against her primary fiscal rule back in March, the chancellor now faces slippage on multiple fronts. Public sector borrowing has risen faster than forecast. The headwinds from U-turns on welfare reform and winter fuel payments threaten to eat into nearly half of the existing cushion. Visa reforms that suppress labour force growth and murmurings about the two-child benefit cap could further erode fiscal wriggle room. And the private sector is signalling unease with what is to come on tax. Since the general election, both deposits and the household savings rate have risen. This looks like a quiet vote of no confidence in the economic outlook and shows that speculative fiscal noise has a real cost: muted consumer spending, and deferred investment. But Labour's biggest headache is that it has sowed itself problems in the jobs market. Payroll employment, once a bright spot, has stalled since July 2024. Critics rightly argue that employer national insurance increases, combined with expanded employment rights and minimum wage hikes, have depressed hiring appetite. Two caveats are worth considering. First, payroll data may understate real employment if more workers are now classifying as self-employed to avoid higher employer contributions. Indeed Labour Force Survey data — though statistically compromised — shows overall employment still rising. Nonetheless, qualitative data from the Bank of England's decision maker panel confirms a palpable pullback in hiring intentions. This is consistent with the broader trend: firmer labour market regulation may be well-intentioned, but it is weighing on labour demand. The second caveat is that green shoots are now emerging in labour market participation which has inched upwards — possibly aided by NHS capacity improvements. Yet the metric that matters most for fiscal arithmetic — productivity — remains worryingly flat. If the Office for Budget Responsibility downgrades its productivity assumptions in the coming weeks, the government's already tight headroom could vanish entirely ahead of the budget. So what happens this autumn? The chancellor faces a vexing equation. Maintain fiscal rules, avoid tax rises on working people (her words, not mine!), protect spending pledges, and hold her parliamentary party together. At least one of these constraints looks certain to give. Options are narrowing. Loosening rules risks a bond market backlash. New taxes or spending cuts risk backbench revolt and sap economic momentum. Supply-side tweaks — such as speeding up infrastructure approvals or revisiting the North Sea tax and licencing regime — offer some room, but their fiscal payoff is modest and long term. The chancellor may also be tempted to revisit the policy of interest paid on central bank reserves. This is a potentially lucrative move but one fraught with risks to monetary policy effectiveness as her governor, Andrew Bailey, has recently noted in response to similar proposals from Reform UK. None of these options are easy. Some are not credible. But the current fiscal impasse is even less sustainable. Yet mere policy competence will not be enough. The fiscal debate is increasingly constrained not by in-year numbers, but by a refusal to confront long term trade-offs on healthcare spending and pensions. If the government truly wishes to spark the 'renewal' it promised, it must move from a mindset of management to one of reform. The alternative is a parliament of drift — marked by tactical retreats, fiscal fudge and faster growth that never quite arrives. In the months ahead, the OBR's pen may prove more consequential than the chancellor's speeches. Should productivity assumptions fall, the government's entire economic strategy could yet unravel. The risk, as ever, is not that the centre cannot hold — but that no one dares to grip the centre at all.

Social Security Scotland is 'shining example of what independence can do'
Social Security Scotland is 'shining example of what independence can do'

The National

time17 minutes ago

  • The National

Social Security Scotland is 'shining example of what independence can do'

Social Justice Secretary Shirley-Anne Somerville has said after being in charge of the social security system in Scotland for more than half of its life, the 'extraordinary amount' the Holyrood government has to spend on mitigating Westminster policies has become 'a real frustration'. While she said she is proud of the way the Government has 'stepped up' to save Scots from the worst impacts of UK Government welfare policies – with £1.4 billion spent on mitigation over the last 15 years – she is 'angry' so much money has had to be spent on covering for 'the inadequacies of the Union'. Somerville insisted that with Social Security Scotland – which has been responsible for devolved benefits since 2018 – the Scottish Government has demonstrated how the welfare system could be transformed through independence. 'What we've done is demonstrate, through the work we've done through devolution, that you can have a robust system, but a fair and humane one, and it works exceptionally well,' she said. 'It doesn't mean to say we can't make it better, but we've demonstrated you can have a system that delivers for people, and I think social security and the success we've made of it, it doesn't just demonstrate why we should have the powers for the remainder of the social security system – because the vast majority is still down at Westminster – I think it demonstrates exactly why when Scotland has powers we use them differently and the people of Scotland benefit from that type of service that's done in a different way, that has their interests at heart.' Somerville (below) added: 'I am proud the Scottish Government stepped up [to mitigate Westminster policies], but I am angry and frustrated we have to, and that we do that because of the inadequacies of the Union and the settlement we are in. (Image: Jane Barlow) 'Everything we mitigate against is money we cannot spend on the NHS, on our transport system. That's the real frustration to me. 'While we remain in this settlement, we will continue to step up to protect people but there is a better way, and I think that's why, while I'm proud of what we're doing in social security, I think it is the shining example of how you can do things differently. 'If we had our independence, we could be doing that on a much bigger scale than we are at the moment when we are still beholden to Westminster.' Next year, the Scottish Government will mitigate against the two-child benefit cap introduced by the Tories at Westminster in 2017 and continued by Labour. An estimated £155 million will be spent on mitigating the policy in 2026/27, and this will rise to £200m by 2029/30, according to the Scottish Fiscal Commission. Somerville said: 'If you look at the cost of mitigation overall, we've committed £1.4 bn from 15 years of mitigation. That's an extraordinary amount that we have not been able to spend on other areas. 'That will go up still further when we begin to mitigate the full extent of the two-child cap. That's a choice we've taken and I'm proud of the fact we will do that and support people, but we have to recognise it has implications for the Scottish Government budget and it doesn't need to be like that if only the UK Government would do its job rather than us having to do that for them.' Social Security Scotland delivers several benefits including family and disability payments, many of which are unique to Scotland such as the Scottish Child Payment (SCP). In 2023, Oxford professor Danny Dorling said the SCP had sparked the biggest reduction in inequality caused by a single policy change since the collapse of the Berlin Wall. Statistics in March show rates of both relative and absolute child poverty were nine percentage points lower in Scotland than the UK average in 2023/24. Somerville explained the SCP was brought in as a response to the 'inadequacy' of Universal Credit – one of many benefits still reserved to Westminster. The SCP forms a significant part of Social Security Scotland's different approach to benefits administration which is based on 'dignity, fairness and respect'. (Image: NICK MAILER) Professor Stephen Sinclair (above), based at Glasgow Caledonian University, said in 2023 that the 'style and culture' around benefits in Scotland was different to that in the London government, as well as the benefits themselves being more generous. He said claimants on Scottish benefits felt a residual 'unease and suspicion' when interacting with social security agencies because of their experiences on the UK Government's systems – comparing this with the 'new more engaged human rights approach' of Social Security Scotland. Somerville said it had been made clear to her how much this different approach was valued. 'I spoke to one gentleman when I was on a visit who was too frightened to come forward [to DWP] when his disability worsened because he thought he might get the money he had taken away from him,' Somerville told The National. 'We know of people that didn't come forward because they found that system inhumane and degrading and what we've done is demonstrated we have a system that is based on dignity, fairness and respect and you have people who now feel they can come forward for the first time.' Asked how she felt about the welfare state in 2025, Somerville added the least society should expect from a government is that they are supported to get money they are entitled to. 'Every single one of us may need the support of a social security system at any point. The social security system is there for all of us and it's important we see that as a right and an investment in people and that has to be the core foundation of how we develop social security,' she said. 'If you're eligible, it is your right to get that benefit and it is our obligation to support you to get you what you're entitled to. That doesn't mean our system is soft-touch, but we go out of our way to make sure those people who are entitled to benefits get that money and they're supported to do so. 'That's the very least society should expect from their government.'

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store